Crime

1166 quotes found

"Media Piracy's core thesis is simple: people in the poor world don't pay for software, games, music and movies because these goods cost too much. Whereas a DVD here might cost you an hour's wage, the same DVD in a poor country could cost a day's work, or a week's, or even more. In poor markets where legitimate media costs the same (in relative terms) as it does in rich markets, the amount of licit purchasing is about the same. But that's not what the media companies say they believe. In their official narrative – bolstered by a long line of studies with undocumented methodologies and assumptions – is that poor countries simply lack a "culture of copyright" that can be reinforced through education and enforcement. Karganis and co have much to say on this score. They document the way that the airwaves and newspapers in poor countries are dominated by the official, Hollywood view of piracy, presented uncritically and at length. The message is even integrated into the school curriculum through official teaching units produced by American entertainment conglomerates and given to teachers to be delivered verbatim to their students. On the enforcement side, entertainment companies often secure a kind of rough, streamlined justice that allows them to race to the head of the justice line, pushing past criminal and civil cases of much larger magnitude. They get their own police forces tasked to them, and their own special high-grade punishments that treat offences against them as inherently graver than offences against local firms and people."

- Internet file sharing

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"Media piracy has been called "a global scourge," "an international plague," and "nirvana for criminals," but it is probably better described as a global pricing problem. High prices for media goods, low incomes, and cheap digital technologies are the main ingredients of global media piracy. If piracy is ubiquitous in most parts of the world, it is because these conditions are ubiquitous. Relative to local incomes in Brazil, Russia, or South Africa, the price of a CD, DVD, or copy of Microsoft Office is five to ten times higher than in the United States or Europe. Licit media goods are luxury items in most parts of the world, and licit media markets are correspondingly tiny. Industry estimates of high rates of piracy in emerging markets- 68% for software in Russia, 82% for music in Mexico, 90% for movies in India-reflects this disparity and may even understate the prevalence of pirated goods. Acknowledging these price effects is to view piracy from the consumption side rather than the production side of the global media economy. Piracy imposes an array of costs on producers and distributors- both domestic and international- but it also provides the main form of access in developing countries to a wide range of media goods, from recorded music, to film, to software. This last point is critical to understanding the trade offs that define piracy and enforcement in emerging markets. The enormously successful globalization of media culture has not been accompanied by a comparable democratization of media access - at least in its legal forms. The flood of legal media goods available in high-income countries over the past two decades has been a trickle in most parts of the world."

- Internet file sharing

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"It is true that the theory of our Constitution is, that all taxes are paid voluntarily; that our government is a mutual insurance company, voluntarily entered into by the people with each other; that each man makes a free and purely voluntary contract with all others who are parties to the Constitution, to pay so much money for so much protection, the same as he does with any other insurance company; and that he is just as free not to be protected, and not to pay any tax, as he is to pay a tax, and be protected.But this theory of our government is wholly different from the practical fact. The fact is that the government, like a highwayman, says to a man: Your money, or your life. And many, if not most, taxes are paid under the compulsion of that threat.The government does not, indeed, waylay a man in a lonely place, spring upon him from the road side, and, holding a pistol to his head, proceed to rifle his pockets. But the robbery is none the less a robbery on that account; and it is far more dastardly and shameful.The highwayman takes solely upon himself the responsibility, danger, and crime of his own act. He does not pretend that he has any rightful claim to your money, or that he intends to use it for your own benefit. He does not pretend to be anything but a robber. He has not acquired impudence enough to profess to be merely a "protector," and that he takes men's money against their will, merely to enable him to "protect" those infatuated travellers, who feel perfectly able to protect themselves, or do not appreciate his peculiar system of protection. He is too sensible a man to make such professions as these. Furthermore, having taken your money, he leaves you, as you wish him to do. He does not persist in following you on the road, against your will; assuming to be your rightful "sovereign," on account of the "protection" he affords you. He does not keep "protecting" you, by commanding you to bow down and serve him; by requiring you to do this, and forbidding you to do that; by robbing you of more money as often as he finds it for his interest or pleasure to do so; and by branding you as a rebel, a traitor, and an enemy to your country, and shooting you down without mercy, if you dispute his authority, or resist his demands. He is too much of a gentleman to be guilty of such impostures, and insults, and villainies as these. In short, he does not, in addition to robbing you, attempt to make you either his dupe or his slave.The proceedings of those robbers and murderers, who call themselves "the government," are directly the opposite of these of the single highwayman."

- Theft

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"Prostitution accordingly not only became a tolerated occupation in many medieval communities, but was even treated in some places as a public utility of sorts. In the fourteenth century many towns carried this principle to its logical conclusion and began to build and operate municipal brothels as a means of regulating the sex trade while realizing a profit from it at the same time. Moral ambiguity concerning the prostitution industry long persisted, and the public policy on the matter still remains controversial in Western societies.Both lawyers and lawgivers typically sought to contain the practice of prostitution by restricting harlots and brothels to specially-designated regions within towns. Municipal statutes, following the decree of the Fourth Lateran Council, often required prostitutes to wear distinctive collectors and types of clothing. The rationale that lawmakers usually proposed to explain such regulations was that they would spare respectable women, especially the wives and daughters of established citizens, from the sexual importuning of randy men. This, in turn, was justified as a means to preserve civic peace and harmony. Municipal authorities also attempted in many places to restrict the practice of prostitution to well-defined and usually marginal regions within their towns. Here again they habitually invoked the public good as a reason for these restrictions, although it seems likely that legislation of this sort may also have served the economic and social interests of landlords and property owners in the more salubrious and desirable neighborhoods of the town.Church leaders and civic authorities alike, moreover, were concerned to provide women who wished to abandon the life of shame with realistic opportunities to do so. Thus, for example Pope Innocent III early in the thirteenth century reversed a long-standing policy that had prohibited good Christian men from marrying prostitutes. Innocent not merely permitted these marriages, but positively encouraged them and promised spiritual rewards for men who married loose women, provided of course that the husbands of former prostitutes kept close watch over their wives to make sure that they remained sexually faithful and did not return to their wanton ways. The prospect of marrying a reformed prostitute may well have been especially alluring to financially disadvantaged men, since successful strumpets occasionally managed to accumulate tidy dowries from the profits of their trade."

- Prostitution

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"And Hamor and Shechem his son came unto the gate of their city, and communed with the men of their city, saying,These men are peaceable with us; therefore let them dwell in the land, and trade therein; for the land, behold, it is large enough for them; let us take their daughters to us for wives, and let us give them our daughters.Only herein will the men consent unto us for to dwell with us, to be one people, if every male among us be circumcised, as they are circumcised.Shall not their cattle and their substance and every beast of theirs be ours? only let us consent unto them, and they will dwell with us.And unto Hamor and unto Shechem his son hearkened all that went out of the gate of his city; and every male was circumcised, all that went out of the gate of his city.And it came to pass on the third day, when they were sore, that two of the sons of Jacob, Simeon and Levi, ’s brethren, took each man his sword, and came upon the city boldly, and slew all the males.And they slew Hamor and Shechem his son with the edge of the sword, and took Dinah out of Shechem’s house, and went out.The sons of Jacob came upon the slain, and spoiled the city, because they had defiled their sister.They took their sheep, and their oxen, and their asses, and that which was in the city, and that which was in the field,And all their wealth, and all their little ones, and their wives took they captive, and spoiled even all that was in the house.And Jacob said to Simeon and Levi, Ye have troubled me to make me to stink among the inhabitants of the land, among the Canaanites and the Perizzites: and I being few in number, they shall gather themselves together against me, and slay me; and I shall be destroyed, I and my house.And they said, Should he deal with our sister as with an harlot?"

- Prostitution

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"The foulest Babylonian custom is that which compels every woman of the land to sit in the temple of Aphrodite and have intercourse with some stranger at least once in her life. Many women who are rich and proud and disdain to mingle with the rest, drive to the temple in covered carriages drawn by teams, and stand there with a great retinue of attendants. But most sit down in the sacred plot of Aphrodite, with crowns of cord on their heads; there is a great multitude of women coming and going; passages marked by line run every way through the crowd, by which the men pass and make their choice. Once a woman has taken her place there, she does not go away to her home before some stranger has cast money into her lap, and had intercourse with her outside the temple; but while he casts the money, he must say, “I invite you in the name of Mylitta” (that is the Assyrian name for Aphrodite). It does not matter what sum the money is; the woman will never refuse, for that would be a sin, the money being by this act made sacred. So she follows the first man who casts it and rejects no one. After their intercourse, having discharged her sacred duty to the goddess, she goes away to her home; and thereafter there is no bribe however great that will get her. So then the women that are fair and tall are soon free to depart, but the uncomely have long to wait because they cannot fulfil the law; for some of them remain for three years, or four. There is a custom like this in some parts of Cyprus."

- Prostitution

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""But what can I do?" cried she, spreading out her arms helplessly. "I can not hew down trees, as my father used; and in all this end of the king's domain there is nothing else to be done. For there are so many shepherds that no more are needed, and so many tillers of the soil that no more can find employment. Ah, I have tried; hut no one wants a weak girl like me." "Why don't you become a witch?" asked the man. "Me!" gasped Mary-Marie, amazed. "A witch!" "Why not?" he inquired, as if surprised. "Well," said the girl, laughing. "I'm not old enough. Witches, you know, are withered dried-up old hags." "Oh, not at all!" returned the stranger. "And they sell their souls to Satan, in return for a knowledge of witchcraft," continued Mary-Marie more seriously. "Stuff and nonsense!" cried the stranger angrily. "And all the enjoyment they get in life is riding broomsticks through the air on dark nights," declared the girl. "Well, well, well!" said the old man in an astonished tone. "One might think you knew all about witches, to hear you chatter. But your words prove you to be very ignorant of the subject. You may find good people and bad people in the world; and so, I suppose, you may find good witches and bad witches. But I must confess most of the witches I have known were very respectable, indeed, and famous for their kind actions." "Oh. I'd like to be that kind of witch!" said Mary-Marie, clasping her hands earnestly."

- Witchcraft

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"Some of these men have issued statements attempting to apologize and take responsibility. Weinstein checked into rehab, and reportedly was hoping for a second chance in Hollywood. And after the dust settles and these men spend a few months or a years out of the spotlight, some of them will undoubtedly attempt returns to their previous positions. Before they do, we must reckon with the questions of forgiveness, rehabilitation and redemption. Can these men be redeemed? And what does redemption — or just forgiveness — look like? For those of us who care about social justice (and legal justice), these are crucial concepts. While the American criminal justice system is largely punitive, liberals are always pushing to make it more focused on rehabilitation and to help offenders successfully re-enter society — and for society to welcome them back. We criticize the prison system, the industrialization of prisons and the financial incentives they create to increase incarceration rates. We oppose the disenfranchisement of felons. We want to “ban the box,” so that people who have served their time do not need to disclose on college or job applications that they’ve been incarcerated. Some of us (myself included) oppose post-release punishments, including overly broad sex offender registries and laws barring certain categories of sex offenders from living in many places. The result of these laws is that many of these offenders end up unemployed and homeless."

- Criminal justice

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"Crime exists only to the extent to which behavior is legally defined as criminal by the larger society and culture. In some contexts (e.g., war, executions in correctional contexts) it is not a crime to kill another human being. In some states (e.g., Nevada) it is not a crime to engage is prostitution. Until 2003 engaging in a homosexual act was a crime in many states in the United States, and it is currently illegal in some places around the world. (1) “Crime is not an entity in fact but an entity in law” (Radzinowicz, 1966, p. 22) and “technically speaking, there is no ‘crime’ without ‘criminal law’” (Shelden, 2002, p.23). “Criminal behavior is a special category of behavior that has been defined through socio-cultural-legal-political-economic processes as outside of the bounds of the law.” This is important in reviewing criminal behavior research because theoretical concepts central to understanding the mechanisms of criminal behavior such as “antisocial behavior”, “aggression”, “psychopathy”, or “deviance” are sometimes confounded with criminality in the research literature and popular discourse. For example studies on aggression are often conducted in laboratory settings with animals or humans who are engaged in some laboratory task. “Can research on aggression in rats be applied to human crime and violence? Are the processes that produce antisocial behavior, such as lying or cheating on a spouse, the same processes as are involved in violating the law? Can theories explaining how people develop deviant identities also explain how people develop criminal identities? Much of the current knowledge base on crime and criminal behavior draws from research focusing on these other concepts."

- Crime

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"When a crime occurs, the first question that tends to comes to people’s minds is “Why?” This is especially true when the crime in question is heinous or extraordinary. Many prominent scholars have attempted to answer the question, “What makes people commit crime?” In 1988, Jack Katz, author of “Seductions of Crime”, wrote: The social science literature contains only scattered evidence of what it means, feels, sounds, tastes, or looks like to commit a particular crime. Readers of research on homicide and assault do not hear the slaps and curses, see the pushes and shoves, or feel the humiliation and rage that may build toward the attack, sometimes persisting after the victim’s death. How adolescents manage to make the shoplifting or vandalism of cheap and commonplace things a thrilling experience has not been intriguing to many students of delinquency. Researchers of adolescent gangs have never grasped why their subjects so often stubbornly refuse to accept the outsider’s insistence that they wear the “gang” label The description of “cold blooded, senseless murderers” has been left to writers outside the social sciences. Neither academic methods nor academic theories seem to be able to grasp why such killers may have been courteous to their victims just moments before the killing, why they often wait until they have dominated victims in sealed-off environments before coldly executing them, or how it makes sense to kill when only petty cash is at stake. (Katz, 1988, p.3) Twenty years later, many integrative theories have been developed to explain how biological, developmental, personality, social, and situational factors and forces converge to produce criminal behavior (e.g., Agnew, 2005; Barak, 1998; Elliott, Ageton, & Canter, 1979; Gottfredsen & Hirschi, 1990; Moffit, 1993; Robinson, 2004; Thornberry, 1987; Tittle, 1995), yet none sufficiently answers all of the questions about all types of crime nor do they bring us much closer to understanding, as Karz suggests, “what it means, feels, sounds, tastes, or looks like to commit a particular crime.”"

- Crime

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"The botched Arctic training dive from the icebreaker has nothing to do with criminal behavior, except that the conclusion of the Healy investigation is a useful analogy in thinking about the causes of crime. Like the botched dive resulting in the accidental deaths of the “Healy” divers, criminal behavior occurs as a result of a series of interlocking events and would not occur if any link in a chain of events and decisions were broken.” This notion of a series of intertwined factors that converge to produce a particular outcome, whether accidental death or medical disease or criminal behavior, is far from novel and not especially exciting. Furthermore, such a complex explanation does not lend itself to a single concrete answer to the problem of crime. However, it is important to note that the outcome of the Healy investigation led to concrete changes in the Coast Guard in memory of Office Duque and Lieutenant Hill, with the goal of preventing future diver deaths by breaking links in the events and decisions that led to the botched dive. If every crime were analyzed to the extent that this Coast Guard tragedy was investigated and data collected to determine the successive events linked to produce the criminal act, then the science of criminal behavior would be much more advanced and steps could be taken to prevent future crimes. The final action memorandum from the U.S.Coast Guard said, “We will honor our lost shipmates and keep faith with our Core Values of Honor, respect, and Devotion to Duty by diligently directing our energies toward improving our performance through the elimination of the shortfalls that led to this tragedy” (Final Action, 2007, p. 27). Like the Healy diving incident, many criminal acts result in tragic consequences for victims and communities who would be similarly honored by “directing energies toward improving performance through the elimination of shortfalls” that led to the criminal event. “In thinking about and researching what makes people commit crime, it is important to think in terms of a chain of events that can be closely examined and deliberately interrupted.” Like the “Healy” incident, if we were to retrospectively analyze every criminal event, we would likely find that most crime is preventable-that if one link in the chain had been missing, the crime would not have occurred. Identifying how to prevent and respond to crime requires this sort of detailed analysis of criminal events."

- Crime

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"The second most frequently asked question about crime is, “How much crime is there?” Criminal justice policies and practices are generally ties to both the nature and the extent of crime. Attention and resources are allocated based on where the greatest need arises, which can depend on the amount of social harm or public fear crime causes. For example, even though some types of crime are particularly shocking or horrific, such as cannibalism and fetus theft, these crimes are extremely rare. It is unlikely that a great deal of resources will be directed to preventing or responding to crimes that almost never occur. On the other hand, some types of crime are so common people almost forget that they are crimes at all, such as drunk driving and domestic violence. With these types of crimes, all it takes is a few atrocity tales and a moral panic to generate a wave of concern that sometimes leads to increased resources and attention. How much crime exists is a question of great interest to the news media, who often report when crime in general or certain types of crime are on the rise or falling, crime sprees in a certain location, or particular areas experiencing disproportionate amounts of certain types of crimes. This information is also important to the public, politicians, and policymakers who use official crime rates to make decisions about allocation of resources to law enforcement agencies. Newspaper deadlines typically provide a snapshot of information from governmental reports or studies informing the public about the rise, fall, or pattern of crime[.]"

- Crime

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"Similar to that old philosophical conundrum, “If a tree falls in the forest and no one hears it, does it make a sound?” criminologists ask “if you’re not caught, is it really a crime?” The term dark figure of crime refers to all of the unknown crimes that do not make it into official crime data, victimization surveys, or research studies or the discrepancy between crime known to police an the true extent of crime. The amount of crime that actually occurs far exceeds the amount of crime reported to police. The majority of crime becomes known to police through citizen complaints. However, in many cases citizens do not report crime to the police. Mosher, Miethe, and Phillips (2002) offer some of the many reasons crimes are not reported to police: Some victims lack trust in the police or have severe reservations about the ability of law enforcement officials to solve crimes. Some fear retaliation and reprisals from offenders for reporting crimes; others think it is not worth their while to report offenses because, for example, the property is uninsured and probably will not be recovered. The victims in some crime situations may also be involved in criminal activities themselves (e.g. drug sellers or prostitutes who are victims of robbery) which decreases their likelihood of reporting. Others believe the incident was a “private matter,” “nothing could be done,” or was not important enough.” Public apathy and the desire to “not get involved” may underlie some witnesses’ reluctance to report offenses they observe. (p.84) Other reasons include the belief that someone else will report the crime (e.g., in the case of nuisance offenses such as disorderly conduct or vandalism against public property) or a belief that calling the police may cause more harm than good to a family (e.g., I the case of domestic violence). Whether or not a crime makes its way into official statistics also depends on police discretion in recording an incident as a crime. There are many offenses that never make it past 911 dispatchers and many that officers choose not to report either because the evidence is weak, the crime has no clear victim, the crime is not serious, or the complainant prefers not to press charges. In many such situations, criminal behavior has occurred, however the behavior does not make it into official statistics. Even in cases in which the offense is reported to and by police, many details about the criminal behavior never make it into the police report and are forever lost."

- Crime

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"In thinking about the dark figure of crime and the gap between the true extent of crime and crime known to police, it is important to realize that, for any behavior to be defined as criminal, it has to be prohibited by law. “Crime is a social construction” that depends on cultural, social, political, economic, and legal decisions about what is and what is not outside the bounds of the law. If there is no law against a particular behavior, then that behavior is not criminal behavior. Or, if certain people are not perceived as offenders, they may not show up in official statistics. For example, until relatively recently law enforcement did not recognize female gang members because females were excluded from official definitions of gang membership (Sikes, 1996). Thus, even though criminal behavior is studied by psychologists and other behavioral scientists who research anger, aggression, impulsivity, and other characteristics associated with behavior that violates the law, criminal behavior cannot be understood without recognizing that “criminal behavior is a special category of human behavior that is defined by a broad range of cultural forces.” Crime also requires that certain elements be present-most important, “mens rea” (criminal intent) and “actus reus” (act violating the law). Furthermore, if a person intentionally engaged in behavior that violates the law, to be considered a criminal (and recorded in official statistics), the person would have to be convicted of the offense in a court of law. Thus, to be defined as a crime, a behavior must be an intentional violation of the law. An interesting question to consider is, “if a person commits a crime-steals something or kills someone-and isn’t caught, has that person committed a crime?”"

- Crime

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"Almost 15 years after the murders, many people still believe O.J. Simpson committed the murders of Nicole Brown Simpson and Ronald Goldman. However, he was not convicted for the offense, so even if he now decided to confess to the crime in a book or any other forum, he did not commit the crime. The homicides of Nicole Brown Simpson and Ronald Goldman were obviously reported to police, someone was arrested, and the crime was reflected in the Uniform Crime Reports for 1994. However, O.J. Simpson himself did not make it into the official data as a convicted or incarcerated offender. What if Simpson did commit these murders? What if, even though he was acquitted for the offense, he “confessed” years later? Can Simpson’s behavior be considered criminal? How can we understand the universe of criminal behavior, when there are so many offenses for which we don’t have all the information because the offender is not caught or convicted, or because the offense never comes to the attention of the police in the first place? While most homicides do not come to the attention of police, only “half of all crimes are reported to police” (Hart & Rennison, 2003). This means that official data collected by police tell only half of the story. And, as the O.J. Simpson case illustrates, even crimes that do make it into official statistics sometimes go unsanctioned with the offender unknown. “The 50% of all crime that is never reported to police is the dark figure of crime.” Beyond this, there are many details of criminal acts for which offenders aren’t caught or aren’t talking. Thus, even when offenses are known to police, may unknown features of criminal behavior are never uncovered."

- Crime

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"Victimization data supplement UCR data by providing information about crimes not reported to police, but they are still not able to capture the entire dark figure of crime. Victimization surveys are, of course, not able to capture offenses where there is no identifiable victim, such as public order offenses like drug offenses, gambling, disorderly conduct, trespassing, public drunkenness, and prostitution. Other excluded crimes include murder, bank robbery, and nonresidential economic crimes such as tax evasion, nonresidential burglary, possession of stolen property, and employee theft. Thus, since a large majority of offenses involve public order and nonresidential economic crime, victimization surveys are able to provide information about only a small subset of crimes, primarily violent and sex crimes, personal theft, motor vehicle theft, and residential burglary. Mosher, Miethe, and Phillips (2002) caution that using victimization data has four inherent problems: 1. Victimization surveys cover only a small range of crimes. 2. Victimization surveys are based on sample data rather than population counts, subjecting them to distortion from sampling error and sampling bias. 3. Victimization surveys are based on victims’ perceptions without independent confirmation. 4. Question wording and technical elements of the survey, including the use of different procedures over time, make it difficult to compare victimization rates over time. These problems do not diminish the value of victimization data, given that official UR data have their own flaws. Victimization data are important in minimizing the dark figure of crime and necessary to understanding criminal behavior. A first step in studying any form of criminal behavior should involve consulting both UCR and victimization data (and any other available data) for crime categories in which data are available."

- Crime

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"Beyond official statistics collected by the FBI in the UCR and victimization surveys, there are many self-report surveys that attempt to gather information from the offenders’ perspective. Self-report surveys provide information about criminal incidents from the offenders’ perspective and are able to capture information about crimes that do not come to the attention of the police, that victims are not willing to report, as well as public order and other offenses that may not have a clearly identifiable victim. Self-report surveys were developed beginning in the 1940s and 1950s out of concern among criminologists that official statistics were reflecting a distorted picture of crime. Self-report measures have developed substantially over the past 50 years and are now considered a fundamental reliable and valid method of scientifically measuring criminality and the bedrock of etiological studies (Thornberry & Krohn, 2000). Self-report surveys provide information about criminal events that is not translated into legalistic definitions and the victim perspective and are one of the few means through which information about offender motivation can be obtained. Information about offender motivation generally comes from two sources: self-report of involvement in crime or inferences made by researchers from behavioral evidence. Obtaining accurate data on offender motivation is problematic because it involves either trusting the offenders’ account or making inferences from behaviors."

- Crime

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"The association of legalization of abortion and crime rates is a novel and controversial suggestion based on the notion that unwanted children are at greater risk for crime and abortion reduces the number of unwanted children. In other words, unwanted children born after 1973, would have become the criminals who elevated the crime rate in the mid-1990s. Other shave argues that the dramatic drop in crime in the mid-1990s was the result of changing sensibilities. According to Tonry (2004), “Crime rates change slowly, in response to long-term social and normative changes: (p. 112) and when people’s attitude toward a particular criminal behavior changes and becomes less tolerant, citizens are more likely to report crime to the police. Thus, at times when people are less tolerant of drug crime, more drug crimes will be noticed and reported to police, which in turn will inflate the statistical incidence of this type of criminal behavior. Still others have argued that the pea in crime rates in 1980 was the result of the expansion of the crack cocaine market couples with the spread of youth gangs and increased access to firearms. When the crack cocaine market matured and turf battled ended, crime began to decrease. The 1990s crime decrease in all offense categories suggests that “something fundamental was changing in the United States and it affected each of these major crimes in the same ways” (Tonry, 2004, p. 116). For example, historians have found that homicide rates since the 12th century (the earliest time for which quantitative data are available) declined steadily in England, Holland, Belgium, Germany, Scandinavia, and Switzerland from between 30 and 100 per 100,000 in the population to 10 per 100, 000 in the 18th century, to 1 to 2 per 100,000 in the 20th century. Considering more recent periods in Western countries in the mid-1990s, historians have described the violent crime rates as a “U” or “reversed J-shaped” curve (Tonr, 2004). To make sense of criminal behavior at any given time and in a particular society or community, it is important to know whether or not a particular criminal behavior is a statistical anomaly or so common a behavior it can be said to be barely a crime at all, and to pay attention to the differences in the extent of crime types across geographical areas, communities, cultures, and time periods. It is also important to recognize that it is no easy task to compare/contrast and synthesize data across sources, and an even more difficult challenge to compare crime rates across time periods and cultures. For example, UCR crime categories are not the same as NCVS categories and self-report studies such as the NYS and NSDUH measure crimes and crime categories at a level not possible with official police data and victimization surveys (e.g., NSDUH provides data on drug use that are not available through other sources). Official statistics present only a limited picture of the extent of crime in the United States, and making sense of the nature and extent of crime in general or of a particular type of crime requires synthesizing multiple sources of data. Figure 1.2, Table 1.4, and Table 1.5 present UCR data on crime types from 1986 to 2006, the NCVS data for 2005, and a rough look at the difference in the amounts of violent and property crime reported by the UCR and NCVS."

- Crime

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"“All criminal behavior is not alike” in terms of motivation, offender-victim dynamics, situational factors, social harm, legal sanctions, and so on. While it is important to develop general theories of crime that attempt to explain most, if not all, criminal behavior, it is also important to identify the similarities and differences between types of crime Focus on typologies of criminal behavior and the distinct and overlapping features of crime categories offers a more nuanced understanding of the nature of different types and subtypes of crime. “Can a single theory explain why a woman kills her abusive husband, why a teenager steals a car, and why a group of people engage in drug smuggling? Are there features of the many different types of criminal behavior that are so distinct that they call for minitheories to explain subtypes of offense behaviors? What details do general theories of crime overlook regarding the nature and dynamics of distinct types of offensive behaviors? How an understanding these details enhance opportunities for meaningful criminal justice policy and practice at different stages of the criminal justice process? “Dynamic theories and creative research methods designs are needed” to tap into the ways in which changes in technology and culture quickly alter the nature and dynamics of criminal behavior. Much of the empirical research is based on data collected many years ago and even recently published results often utilize aging data sets or involve secondary data analysis based on surveys from sources such as the nation Youth Survey that, though it has been changed over time, is not designed to answer questions relevant to particular time periods, places, subcultures, communities, gender, ethnic groups, and so on. Findings based on data collected 10, 20, or 50 years ago assume that there is little relationship between cultural changes and individual-level criminal behavior. “Does it make sense to explain criminal behavior using the same theories over time? Is crime committed in 2008 the same as it was in 1908, 1948 or 1988? Has popular culture and technology played a role in shaping criminal behavior in terms of offender motivation? Do the ways in which offenders commit their crimes change over time in relation to changes in technology and culture? Have advances in computer and media technology shaped criminal behavior in ways that call for new theories and empirical research that utilizes timely samples?” Surprisingly, researchers have only begun to ask these questions, and there is little empirical research to shed light on how or if crimes of today and in the future may be different from or similar to crimes of the near or distant past."

- Crime

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"Since then, increasing attention has been paid to the applicability of male theories of crime to women and girls, the male as predator/female as victim dichotomy maintained by patriarchy, and gender discrimination and disparity in the criminal justice system. Meda Chesney-Lind, author of The Female Offender: Girls, Women and Crime (1997) and numerous other books and articles, has been referred to as the “Mother of feminist criminology” (Belknap, 2004) and is one of the most prolific writers and outspoken voices on feminist criminology. Her work highlights the contextual features of the lives of girls and women that influence their involvement in crime as offenders and victims and the disparate and discriminatory practices in the criminal justice system. Feminist criminology raised issues regarding not only the applicability of male theories of crime to female offenders, but also the gendered nature of crime. In his important work, Masculinities and Crime, Messerschmidt (1993) called for attention to the masculinity-crime connection, arguing that criminology has ignored the most central predictor of crime. According to Meserschmidt,“Crime by men is a form of social practice invoked as a resource, when other resources are unavailable, for accomplishing masculinity” (p.85). In Feminism and Criminology, Naffine (1996) offered a critical analysis of the impact of masculinity and feminimity on criminal behavior and the discipline of criminology, arguing that the gendered nature of crime is perpetuated by “a desperate desire to preserve men from associations with the feminine and its supposed weakness and subordination” (p. 148). Gerbner (1994) and Jhally (1999) have highlighted the role of mass media technology in shaping and solidifying the masculinity-crime/feminimity-victim ideology, giving attention to the ways in which media images pit the male aggressor against the female victim and make it virtually impossible for males or females to break out of these culturally designated roles. This research suggests that there is still a lot of work to be done to unravel the gendered nature of criminal behavior. Katz (2006) argues that violence against women is a men’s issue and men need to take action and personal responsibility for the problem of crime. Others such as Naffine (1996) emphasize the need to address the gendered nature of criminology as a discipline more centrally: The most pressing intellectual and ethical obligation of those of us who wish to persist with the study of crime, its meaning and reasons, is to bring women (and other exiles) in from the cold. In order to know more about who we are as criminologists, about the very nature of our enterprise and whether it is worth pursuing at all, we need to open up the conventional borders of the discipline. (Naffine, 1996, p 153) This important work in the area of feminist criminology an gender and crime has set the theoretical foundation for future research that may begin to explain the masculinity-crime link and gender differences and similarities in offending patterns."

- Crime

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"Fortunately, the statistical likelihood of being the victim of a heinous crime is slim to none. Most of us are more likely to die or become incapacitated by our own bad habits than by violent crime. However, crime touches all of our lives. Most of us will be, or will come into personal contact with, victims or perpetrators of some type of crime during our lifetimes. Even for the rare person who manages to avoid personally experiencing crime, daily consumption of crime in the media ensures that fear of crime and public safety have a permanent place as one of our top priorities for communities, politicians, local and federal government, and citizens. Much public and media attention is directed to the business of how to catch, convict, and punish criminals. It is impossible to respond to crime without asking, "What causes a person to engage in criminal behavior?” Beyond natural human curiosity, we need to know something about why crime occurs and who we’re dealing with in order to control and respond to crime. Knowing something about the factors associated with criminal behavior, the characteristics of offender types, and the “causes” of crime provides information with which to pursue and investigate suspects, adjudicate defendants, make sentencing determinations, manage offenders in correctional institutions, make parole and reentry decisions, and design crime prevention and crime control strategies. All kinds of theories about why individuals commit crime are bandied about in public discourse. Crime is the product of rational choice and free will. Crime is caused by parental neglect and sexual and physical abuse. Crime is caused by poverty and social disorganization. Crime is caused by too much TV, mental illness, peer influences, the quest for power, violent films and video games, bad genes, head trauma, lack of attachment, too much attachment, pornography, social isolation, being bullied in school, Twinkies, PMS, Beevis and Butthead, The Catcher in the Rye, and so on . . . ."

- Crime

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"In recent years criminologists have recognized that comprehensive and accurate understanding and prediction of criminal behavior require theoretical and disciplinary integration. Many disciplines and knowledge bases are necessary to fully understand criminal behavior. Crime has been explored within the disciplines of criminology and criminal justice, sociology, psychology, psychiatry, neuroscience, biology, philosophy, social work, law, anthropology, political science, economics, cultural and media studies, women’s studies, and others. Though no unified theory or model yet exists that can be considered truly integrative (Fishbein, 2001; Schmalleger, 2004), promising integrative models that have emerged (Barak, 1998; Hickey, 2002; Robinson, 2004) offer insight into the developmental pathways and manifestations of criminal behavior. Criminologists are challenged to develop a comprehensive and coherent explanation of criminal behavior that takes into account the diverse and sometimes conflicting theories, frameworks, and perspectives across the range of disciplines from which criminal behavior has been historically approached. The lack of complex integrated theory construction (largely rooted in historical competition between macro-level sociological theories and micro-level psychological theories) and inability to come up with a general theory to explain all types of criminal behavior call into question how much criminologists really know about crime. Criminologists’ analyses are rarely heard in mass media, which are dominated by the perspectives of criminal justice professionals and news journalists (Tunnel, 1998). However, “the mass media pundits, the public cultural critics, and the professional politicians who are all engaged in the business of talking about crime know far less than criminologists do” (Barak, 1998, p.5). This “talking about crime” that inundates us on a daily basis through news media, pop culture, the Internet, and politics makes it especially important to be able to sort fact from fiction, theory from anecdote, and scientific methodology from everyday observation and the may fallacies that exist about crime (Felson, 2002)."

- Crime

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""Criminology” is an interdisciplinary field of study focusing on crime, criminal behavior, and its social response. “Criminologists” are searchers, academics, and policy analysts with advanced degrees (usually in criminology, criminal justice, or sociology) who study crime, crime trends, and social reactions to crime (Schmalleger, 2004). Contemporary criminology is historically rooted in two schools of thought-positivist criminology and classical criminology. “Positivist criminology” locates the root fo criminal behavior in identifiable factors such as biological, psychological, and environmental forces. “Classical criminology” identified free will as the root of criminal behavior, based on the notion that all human beings make choices about the behaviors they engage in, and offenders engage in a cost-benefit analysis before choosing to commit a crime. “Contemporary criminologists recognize than criminal behavior involves both free will and deterministic forces.” A clear line cannot be drawn between classical and positivist thought (Barak, 1998), and an individual’s decision to engage in criminal behavior cannot be viewed as an either-or phenomenon. According to Katz (1988): The statistical and correlational findings of positivist criminology provide the following irritations to inquiry: (1) whatever the validity of the hereditary, psychological, and social-ecological conditions of crime, many of those in the supposedly casual categories do not commit the crime at issue, (2) many who do commit the crime do not fit the causal categories and (3) what is most provocative, many who do fit the background categories and later commit the predicted crime go for long stretched without committing the crimes to which the theory direct them. (pp. 3-4)"

- Crime

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"Multiple theories can be used to explain criminal behavior, with recognition that no single discipline is capable of offering “the answer.” The study of criminal behavior has historically been approached from a range of disciplines and perspectives with minimal theoretical integration. Many theories of crime, antisocial behavior, and deviance overlap and cannot be neatly separated by discipline. For purpose of clarity, disciplinary perspectives and criminology knowledge bases are broken down into six general areas and related research questions: 1. Biological: What are the biological roots of criminal behavior? 2. Psychological: What psychological factors contributed to this behavior? 3. Sociological: What sociological forces contributed to this behavior? 4. Routine Activity/Opportunity/Ecological: What situational, contextual, environmental factors provided the setting and opportunity for this crime to occur? 5. Cultural: What cultural forces provided the context in which this crime could occur? 6. Phenomenological: What personal meaning does the crime hold for the offender? Although there is much disciplinary and theoretical overlap, the six bodies of knowledge represent unique ways of looking at crime and offer specific tools with which to analyze criminal behavior. Each area represents particular factors that contribute to criminal behavior and is briefly summarized to provide a general overview of the knowledge bases from which interdisciplinary criminology draws."

- Crime

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"Hereditable traits are reproductively “adaptive” (advantageous), “maladaptive” (disadvantageous), or “neural” (Jones, 1999). Rooted in neo-Darwinian theories of evolution, these theories state that genes dictate that reproduction is the most vital function of an organism, and that DNA codes for priority reproduction must take in order for a species to survive (Fishbein, 2001). Reproduction is a genetically driven evolutionary process that codes for anatomical and physiological traits. Criminal behavior, like all behaviors, revolves around reproductive drives. Proposed evolutionary theories relevant to antisocial and criminal behavior include the r/K theory, the cheater theory, the adaptation hypothesis, and evolutionary theories of rape. All attempt to explain criminal behavior in terms of its long-term reproductive consequences. Heritability studies (involving twin and adoption studies) suggest that personality factors and traits linked to aggressive and violent behavior, may be heritable. Findings suggest that childhood aggression, disruptive behavior, and aggressive behavior across the life course may be mediated by genetic factors (Mik et al., 2007). Some research suggests that aggressiveness is transmitted across generations within families (Huesmann, Enron, & Lefkowitz, 1984) and that alcoholism, susceptibility to aggressive and impulsive behaviors, and personality disorders including conduct disorder, borderline personality disorder, attention deficit disorder, and antisocial personality disorder are genetically influenced (Fishbein, 2001). Studies have found that children who have mothers with histrionic personality disorder (HPD) and fathers with antisocial personality disorder (APD) are more likely to have the disorders themselves (histrionic personality disorder if female and antisocial personality disorder if male) and that HPD and APD are sex-types manifestations of psychopathy (Spalt, 1980; Warner, 1978). However, heredity studies do not identify the genetically influences biological mechanisms that may contribute to these traits (Fishbein, 2001), which may be identified in the future through the discovery of the human genome sequence."

- Crime

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"Studies on the relationship between hormones and crime have focused on testosterone and other male hormones called androgens. Data from animal and human studies suggest that male hormones are associated with aggression in some individuals under some circumstances (Fishbein, 2001). The surge of testosterone in postpubertal males (10 times greater than in postpubertal females) partially accounts for the onset of antisocial behavior in most adolescent males and the differences in offending rates between males and females of any age (Walsh, 2002). Male sex hormones operating on the human brain appear to increase the probability of “competitive/victimizing behavior”-behavior directed at others that exists along a continuum from altruistic acts that make no profit to acts that intentionally and directly harm or dispossess others of their property (Ellis, 2005). There is some evidence to suggest that testosterone is associated with juvenile delinquency, but the association between testosterone and antisocial behavior diminishes in adulthood (Bold, Bernard, & Snipes, 2002). Other findings suggest that the link between testosterone and adult aggressive and violent behavior is well established byt this relationship may be absent, or reversed with respect to aggression in children (Raine, 2002). Regarding sex offenders, testosterone provides the basis for general sexual drive, but research linking abnormality of androgen metabolism with aberrant sexual behavior is not strongly supported and is characterized by conflicting results (Hucker & Baine, 1989). The testosterone-aggression relationship appears to be dependent on contextual, social circumstance, and personality factors (Fishbein, 2001). A critical question is whether or not her relationship between testosterone and aggression and violence is causal (Raine, 1993)."

- Crime

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"Many theories and typologies developed from the psychoanalytic perspective suggest that there are different developmental routes to criminal behavior. Andrews and Bonta (2003) review four offender types that have emerged from psychodynamic theory: (1) weak superego type, (2) weak ego type, (3) the “normal” antisocial offender, and (4) the neurotic offender. The weak “superego type” needs immediate gratification and does not hear or respond to that “voice inside the head.” The “weak ego type” is immature and has poorly developed social skills, gullibility, and dependence resulting in criminal behavior through misreading of the external environment and stumbling into crime (e.g., following the leader). The ““normal” antisocial offender type” passes through normal stages of development as a fully functioning adult but possesses a procriminal superego as a result of identification with a criminal parent and ego-mastery of criminal skills. The “neurotic offender type” has an overactive superego that results in criminal behavior to fulfill the wish to be punished for “past sins.” The “weak superego theory” is the most popular of the theories in the psychodynamic literature and was the topic of much discourse and discussion of the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s. Behavioral indicators of a weak superego include reckless disregard for conventional rules, lack of conscience and antisocial cognitions, weak ambition, absence of guilt, early conduct problems, expressions of bravado, authority conflicts, and isolation (Andrews & Bonta, 2003). These features have been consistently associated with antisocial personality disorder, psychopathy, and criminal behavior. An example of a the weak superego theory is Hervey Cleckley’s (1941) classic work, “The Mask of Sanity”, which, thogh not solely focused on criminal behavior, offers case study illustrations of criminal and noncriminal psychopaths. According to Cleckley, psychopaths have a “defect in affect” that enables them to harm and manipulate others without remorse. Psychopaths delight in shocking others and have no interest in engaging in conformist behaviors. Cleckley identified 16 characteristics of the psychopath (discussed in Chapter 4, such as unreliability, lack of remorse or shame, and failure to learn from experience, that reflect defect in interpersonal relations and unwillingness or inability to adhere to social (and superego) norms, rules, and values."

- Crime

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"Another prominent superego pathology theory is Kernberg’s theory of “borderline personality organization (BPO)”. BPO theory is particularly helpful in terms of understanding how internal conditions across the continuum of personality produce a tendency toward criminal behavior. According to Kernnberg (1966, 1967, 1984, 1985a, 1985b, 1992), personality is organized by capacity for reality testing and unconscious defensive process. Psychotic personality organization is characterized by absence of reality testing and the use of primitive defenses, borderline personality organization by capacity for reality testing and use of primitive defenses, and neurotic personality organization by capacity for reality testing and use of higher-level defenses (Figure 2.1). Kernberg’s “primitive defenses” center around the lower level mechanism of “splitting”, the related mechanisms of “primitive idealization, projective identification, denial, omnipotence,” and “devaluation”. Splitting is a genotypic defensive operation that is expressed through the phenotypic defensive process of dissociation. This defensive operation is pathognomic of general borderline ego functioning, particularly in the psychopath (Meloy, 1988). Kernberg (1976) views splitting as alternating ego states, each consisting of completely separate complex psychic manifestations, a fundamental feature of the borderline ego functioning experienced by the narcissistic, histrionic, borderline, and psychopathic personalities. Splitting is a defensive process exemplified by lack of personality integration, and the coexistence of distinct cohesive personality attitudes with conflicting aims, goals, and moral and aesthetic values (Kohut, 1971). Put simply, splitting is the view of oneself and others as all good or all bad with an inability to reconcile the two identities."

- Crime

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"According to the “Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders”, Fourth Edition, Text Revision (DSM-IV-TR) (American Psychiatric Association, 2000), a personality disorder is “An enduring pattern of inner experience and behavior that deviates markedly from the expectations of the individual’s culture” (p. 686). To be diagnosed with a personality disorder, an individual must manifest the disorder in two or more of the following areas: cognitions (ways of perceiving the world), affectivity (emotional response), interpersonal functioning, and impulse control. The enduring pattern must also be inflexible and pervasive across a range of circumstances and situations, lead to clinically significant impairment or distress, and be stable, having originated in adolescence or early adulthood. The pattern also cannot be the product of another mental disorder, substance abuse, or a medical condition. Of the personality disorders defined in the “DSM-IV-TR:, the ‘Axis II’, “Cluster B” disorders are most relevant to the study of criminal behavior. These disorders include “Antisocial Personality Disorder”, “Borderline Personality Disorder”, “Histrionic Personality Disorder”, and Narcissistic Personality Disorder”. These four disorders share behavioral features such as impulsive acting out, unpredictable behavior, and dramatic presentation, as well as a common intrapsychic structure centered on a lower-level defensive organization that uses primitive defenses. Wulach (1988) suggests that features of each of these disorders comprise the “criminal personality” and there is evidence to suggest that each may represent distinct behavioral expressions of psychopathy. Much of the psychological research on criminal behavior has focused on “antisocial personality disorder” and “psychopathy”. In fact,the concepts of criminality, insanity, antisocial personality, and psychopathy have been so intertwined over the past two centuries that much of the research, particularly in the discipline of psychology, has failed to clearly differentiate between meal ntdisorder (an internal condition) and crime (a behavioral symptom and social construct). Researchers have spent the last 20 years trying to sort out the conceptual differences and in recent years there have been rapid advancement in our understanding of the relationship between antisocial personality disorder, psychopathy, and crime. According to the “DSM-IV-TR”, the essential feature of APD is “a pervasive pattern of disregard for, and violation of, the rights of others that begins in childhood or early adolescence and continues into adulthood” (p.701)."

- Crime

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"Criminal behavior can also be classically conditioned when such behavior is associated with a secondary or conditioned stimulus. A simple example: A teen runaway who’s been living on the streets for some time finds a gun and decides to commit an armed robbery to acquire money to live. Immediately following the robbery, the offender is rewarded with a wallet full of cash. The anxiety of the offender had been experiencing over having no financial resources is immediately alleviated. In this case, the offender’s robbery behavior is positively reinforced by acquiring the ash and negatively reinforced by the alleviation of anxiety. However, what if immediately following the robbery a bystander intervenes, tackling and severely beating the offender? Rather than receiving reinforcements (money, decreased anxiety), the offender receives punishment (attack, beating) and the likelihood of repeating the behavior is reduced. This is an example of “operant conditioning.” Classical conditioning is somewhat different in that behavior is increased through pairing of stimuli. When the offender commit the robbery, the act of robbing someone at gunpoint generates feelings of exhilaration. After committing a number of subsequent robberies and experiencing this physiological arousal each time, the offender begins to associate armed robbery with feeling good. This pairing of an unconditioned or secondary stimulus (the act of robbing someone) with unconditioned or primary stimuli (physiological arousal produced by fear and uncertainty) increases the likelihood of future robbery behavior."

- Crime

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"A great deal of research has accumulated applying social learning theory to analyzing the impact of crime and violence in media and pop culture. Early studies (called the Payne Fund Studies) conducted in the 1930s found that many in a sample of 2,000 respondents were conscious of having directly imitated acts of violence they saw in films. This research spawned decades o controversy and research on the subject of media violence (Sparks & Sparks, 2002). A more recent study found that 25% of juvenile offenders got ideas about how to commit their crimes from popular culture (Surette, 2002). From the perspective of social learning theory, expectations and ideas are conveyed through television, film, music, computer games, and other forms of popular culture and are mimicked by youth in particular. Although there is some disagreement in the literature about whether or not media violence is criminogenic (crime producing) or cathartic (crime reducing) or both, a large and growing body of research suggests media violence triggers the occurrence of criminal behavior and shapes its form (Surette, 1998). Beyond anecdotal accounts of media-mediated violence, little empirical research supports a direct criminalizing effect of violent media. Findings suggest that media depictions of violence are more likely to shape criminal behavior than trigger it (Surette, 1998). People already inclined to commit a crime get ideas about how to commit the crime from media images, but few otherwise law-abiding citizens will be influenced by media to commit a crime. On the other hand, compelling case study evidence suggests that the behavior of a small group of “media junkies” may be unduly influenced by media violence though the potential for violent media to trigger criminal behavior is very small."

- Crime

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"Structural theories view crime as a product of the structure of society, asking the question, “Why do some societies have more crime than others?” From this perspective, crime is rooted in two primary factors-differential opportunity and discrimination toward certain (powerless) groups within society. In a society where the rich and poor live in relatively close proximity, the poor turn to crime as an alternative pathway to success. Crime is defined by the powerful, and laws are created to ensure that the group of groups in power retain the resources. Examples of structural theories are structural functionalism, strain theory and conflict theory. The ominant sociological theory of crime for the first half of the 20th century was “structural functionalism”. According to Durkheim, founding father of sociology and structural functionalist, crime and deviance is the product of social distancing and “anomie”-a state of normlessness. Durkheim also believed that deviance and crime, despite their negative effects, serve a social function by promoting social solidarity among the law abiding. When a criminal or deviant act is committed and made public, law-abiding members of society are united in pointing their fingers at the perpetrators. Law-abiding citizens can also look to deviant behavior to help them define the boundaries of acceptable behavior (Durkheim, 2003). Structural functionalism is illustrated by Kai Erikson’s (1966) case study analysis of Puritan response to revolutionaries in 17th century Bay Colony, showing how societal response to these “offenders” served to solidify the rest of the community and strengthen their moral convictions. Strain theory is another example of a structural theory of crime. According to strain theorists, crime is the product of differential opportunity. Robert Merton extended Durkheim’s ideas, suggesting that anomic results when access to prescribed goals and availability of legitimate means to obtain those goals are lacking. Crime occurs when individuals do not have access to legitimate noncriminal means to obtain the success everyone strives for. Cloward and Ohlin (1960) took this idea further, suggesting that crime is more likely to occur when particular illegitimate opportunities are present, and some people have greater access to particular types of illegitimate opportunity. “Conflict theories” locate the cause of crime in the incompatible interests of multiple groups in society. Conflict theories became prominent in the 1960s and 1970s with the work of Quinney (1970, 1977). Whereas structural functionalists view society from a consensus perspective in which norms are created through a shared understanding of the majority, conflict theorists contend that society is heterogenous and conflictual. Crime is defined by the dominant class to include behavior patterns of those who do not have power in society ad used as a tool to serve the interests of the powerful. A reflexive relationship exists between the definers of crime (the powerful) and those defined as criminal (the powerless) whereby those defined as criminal begin to see themselves as such and learn to play the role with increasing probability of being defined as criminal in the future. Those in power construct an ideology of crime to make sure they stay in power. A social reality of crime is created by defining crime, creating and applying laws, and constructing behavior patterns in such a way that the probability of criminality (and sanctions for criminality) is high for powerless members of society. Conflict theory offers an explanation of both criminal behavior and criminal justice."

- Crime

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"”Marxist and critical theories” are historically related to conflict theories, and many of the conflict theorists are also considered Marxist theorists. The terms “critical criminology” and “radical criminology” are often used synonymously with Marxist criminology, though critical criminology has branched out considerably from Marxism. Some suggest that critical criminology does not reflect a coherent body of theories and should be viewed under the umbrella term “constitutive criminology” along with other critical approaches such as postmodernism, chaos theory, semiotics, edgework, catastrophe theory, critical race theory, and peacemaking criminology (Akers * Sellers, 2004). Like conflict theory, Marxist theory locates the cause and legal definitions of criminality in power relations, but rejects the idea that the conflict is between multiple groups. From the Marxist perspective, there are two groups-the power elite and the masses or working class. Laws are constructed by the power elite-the small group of ruling class who has all the social, economic, and political power. The power elite manipulate social institutions such as the academic community, mass media, and other sources of public opinion to make it appear that the law protects everyone’s interests so that the masses wil continue to believe the system is legitimate. Marxist theory contends that the riminal justice system is a tool to repress the working class, but the theory has little to say about crime. Karl arx himmself did not write about criminal behavior. Marxist (and conflict) theorists explain criminal behavior as an inevitable response to the capitalistic system. People engage in crime because either they are brutalized by and trying to accommodate the capitalistic system or their crimes are conscious or unconscious acts of revolution and resistance. Marxist theories can be particularly useful in explaining certain types of crime (e.g., political crime), but fall short in offering etiological explanation for most types of criminal behavior."

- Crime

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"Cultural theories recognize that society is made up of conflicting subcultures with different norms, values, beliefs, and characteristics. Cultural conflict exists between different subcultures and those whose values conflict with the dominant culture. When a subculture conflicts with dominant culture, the norms, values, and behaviors of that subculture are deemed deviant or criminal. When members of a subculture are defined as deviant by the larger society, they adopt and solidify values and norms that contrast with those of the dominant culture. Subcultures that conflict with the dominant culture ensure their survival through cultural transmission, passing their norms and values from generation to the next, ensuring the continuation of cultural conflict and placement outside the dominant culture (Aler & Adler, 2003). <br. The “subculture of violence theory” is an example of a cultural theory. This theory (originally developed by Wolfgang and Ferracuti in their text “The Subculture of Violence”) states that more violence occurs in lower-class subcultures as a result of particular norms, values, expectations, and behaviors. Values such as honor, masculinity, defense of status, and the use of physical violence to settle disputes define subcultures of violence. Some researcher suggest that a subculture of violence exists in the American South and among African Americans, and delinquent gangs (Vold, Bernard Snipes, 2002). In general, cultural theories suggest that crime is the product of criminal subcultures within a society whose values conflict with the dominant culture. Features of criminal subcultures include an exaggerate sense of masculinity, toughness, thrill-seeking, fatalistic philosophy, getting into trouble, and an antiauthority stance."

- Crime

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"The routine activity theory is a type of “rational choice theory”. Rational choice theories suggest that individuals freely choose to engage in criminal behavior when the benefits outweigh the costs. The routine activity theory is unique in that the theory recognizes that the degree to which a person can freely choose is constrained by a multitude of factors and forces. For example, if an individual who is biologically predisposed to commit crime (ie., a person with low autosomic arousal, low self-control, and traits such as impulsivity, irresponsibility, etc.) finds him- or herself in a situation in which there are high temptations and low controls (e.g., brand new Range Rover with keys in the ignition left in a dark parking lot with no one around), he or she would be more inclined to “choose” to steal the car then someone who is not biologically predisposed to commit crime. From the perspective of the routine activity theory, crime is the product of the interaction between individual, situational/contextual, and environmental factors that converge in a way that increases the likelihood that crime will occur. Certain types of crime are more likely to occur in certain contexts where there are particular presences and absences. For example, violent crime is more likely to occur in a setting such as a bar where there a high number of young males drinking alcohol. In such a setting, there are presences (young males, alcohol) and absences (a prosocial audience-elderly individuals, children). A particular “chemistry for crime” exists in this setting, with elements such as a likely offender, a suitable target, and the absence of capable guardians converging to produce a crime-generating context that produces a crime-attracting sequence of events (Felson, 2002). Routine activity theory is one of the more applicable theories in terms of providing concrete recommendations to policy aker charges with increasing public safety. Box 2.2. provides an example of how routine activity theory has been applied to community gang problems."

- Crime

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"In their book “Cultural Criminology” Ferel and Sanders (1995) argue that to make sense of crime, it is necessary to make sense of culture. The authors propose the development of a “cultural criminology” that recognizes criminality and criminalization as cultural enterprises that must be studies through a synthesis of divergent perspectives including social, feminist, and cultural theories. From this perspective, criminal behavior (and its control) is constructed, in part, through media, popular culture, and the “aesthetics” of authority that dictates what is beautiful,” decent,” clean,” and “appropriate” (p.15). Criminal identities are born and shaped within culture and within criminal subcultures0collective criminal aesthetic and style, symbolism, and meaning are important factors in understanding the criminality. Ferrell and Hamm (1998) suggest that “jailhouse criminology,” which has attempted to study crime through official sources, social science surveys, and traditional quantitative measures, has prohibited true understanding of crime or “criminological verstehen.” Criminologists have neglected findings produced through ethnographic studies that offer the insider perspective on crime and deviance. To truly understand criminal behavior, researchers must study crime with quantitative (surveys, available data) and qualitative (ethnographic) methods that together are able to tell the complete story of crime. For example, official statistics tell us things like what percentage of armed robbers are male, what percentage of known serial killers have been physically and sexually abused, the correlation between age and violence, and so on. However, this sort of information tells us little about the personal style and aesthetics of bank robbers, the nature of the communities and subcultures within which they spend their time, the specific ways in which girls and women learn that aggression is not a tool with which they are able to obtain resources, the process by which a serial killer comes to attach meaning to particular types of victims or crime scene trophies, or the complex nature of the collusion between youth culture, media and pop culture, alternative style and meaning, and crime."

- Crime

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"There are no two ways about it. Trump is a bully. By intimidating others, he believes he can get what he wants, not what is fair. It's a philosophy he brags about. He regales staff with stories about filing meritless claims in court against other companies in order to coerce them to back down or get a better deal. That's how you get them to do what you want. During the 2016 campaign, journalist Bob Woodward asked Trump about President Obama's view that "real power means you can get what you want without exerting violence." In his response, Trump made a revealing confession: "Real power is through respect. Real power is, I don't even want to use the word, fear." President Trump shows no mercy. Political opponents are wartime opponents, and there should be no clemency. Trump remains fixated ion his previous presidential rival years into his tenure, continuously disparaging and demeaning her. It might be a different situation if he expected to face off again with Hillary Clinton, yet she appears to be finished with public office. Don't get me wrong. No one in the Trump White House is a fan of Hillary Clinton, but we started to find the president's chronic animosity toward her to be a little weird. He has tweeted about Clinton hundreds of times since taking office. He has even flirted with using the powers of his office to investigate and prosecute her... Electoral defeat is not enough; Donald Trump wants total defeat of his opponents."

- Bullying

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"The president's obvious admiration for Vladimir Putin ("a great guy," "terrific person") still continues to puzzle us, including those on the team who shrug off his outlandish behavior. Where did the Putin hero worship come from? It's almost as if Trump is the scrawny kid trying to suck up to the bully on the playground. Commentators have speculated, without any evidence, that Moscow must "have something" on the president. I wish I could say. All I know is that whatever drives his love for Putin, it's terrible for the United States because Vladimir Lenin is not on our side and no US president should be building him up. We need a comprehensive strategy to counter the Russians, not court them. But Trump is living on another planet, one where he and Putin are companions and where Russia wants to help America be successful. As a result, US officials fear they're "on their own" in fighting back against Moscow. They're right. They are. If an agency wants to respond to Russia's anti-US behavior around the world, they shouldn't plan on steady air cover from the president. In fact, officials know they risk Trump's ire if the subject comes up in public interviews or congressional testimony. "I don't care," one fellow senior leader snapped when reminded by his staff that he needed to watch his words in Senate meetings. "He can fire me if he wants. I'm going to tell the truth. The Russians are not our friends.""

- Bullying

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"Dominick Krankall was playing at his Connecticut home when the boy who lived below him called out his name. Moments after 6-year-old Dominick went to go meet the 8-year-old neighbor who had bullied him on Sunday, Krankall’s family said, Dominick shrieked in horror when the 8-year-old allegedly launched a tennis ball at his face that was soaked in gasoline and lit on fire. “As soon as he walked down the stairs, the bully called his name and lured him over around the corner,” Dominick’s sister, Kayla Deegan, told WNBC in New York City, “and in a matter of seconds he came back around the corner screaming, saying, ‘Mommy, they lit me on fire! They lit me on fire!’” The attack left Dominick with second- and third-degree burns on his face and legs, and most of the boy’s body is swollen and bandaged. Authorities in Bridgeport, Conn., noted in a police report how preliminary findings show that “up to four unattended children were seen playing with gasoline and lighting objects on fire.” “The incident is currently still under investigation as to the exact cause of the burn injuries by the Bridgeport Police, Bridgeport Fire and State Fire Investigation Teams,” police wrote in the report. No charges have been handed down as of early Wednesday. Scott Appleby, the director of emergency management for Bridgeport, told The Washington Post that no other details were immediately available to be shared to the public. Neither the 8-year-old nor his family have been publicly identified."

- Bullying

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"Dominick’s family wrote in an online fundraiser that the 8-year-old boy’s mother “thinks he is innocent.” But Maria Rua, Dominick’s mother, told WTNH that her son’s alleged bully “purposefully threw a gasoline-saturated ball that they lit on fire at my son’s face.” “They threw it at Dominick and left him outside alone to die,” she said. The 6-year-old is being treated at Bridgeport Hospital and is expected to recover, Rua said to local media. John Cappiello, a hospital spokesman, told The Post that Dominick is in fair condition as of Wednesday morning. “Fair is better than critical and better than serious, so we’re trying to do our best for him,” Cappiello said. “It’s a terrible thing.” The 6-year-old’s family say Dominick has been bullied by the 8-year-old for the past year. Deegan alleged to WNBC that the 8-year-old previously sent Dominick to the hospital with a concussion after her younger brother was pushed into a wall and fell to the floor about two months ago. Dominick was playing at their Louisiana Avenue home in Bridgeport on Sunday afternoon when he was called over by the 8-year-old. Dominick’s family alleged to local media that the 8-year-old neighbor gained access to a shed on the property, which is how he was able to get a hold of gasoline and lighters. Then, Deegan said to WNBC, the 8-year-old lit the gasoline-soaked tennis ball and “just chucked it right at my brother’s face — and then ran away from him and watched him burn.” Bridgeport authorities responded to a report of a child burned shortly after 3:45 p.m., according to the police report. Dominick was transported to the burn unit of Bridgeport Hospital, police said."

- Bullying

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"Bullying at work is not only about aggressive behavior. The covert nature of workplace bullying behavior can destroy a target’s health, ability to work, emotional well-being, self-worth, and financial condition. This research is one of the first studies on workplace bullying in the United States. Workplace bullies have a serious negative impact upon the organizations for which they work (Namie & Namie, 2003; Prentice, 2005). Once the bullying atmosphere begins to pervade an organization, morale is destroyed and productivity is affected. The workplace often includes distorted personality types that seem to have just one purpose: to find somebody else to attack, to belittle, to criticize, and to destroy (Prentice). Bully behavior, whether committed by men 94 or women, should be further examined due to the long-term costs for both employees and the organizations for which they work. Many leaders and managers either fail to recognize the problem or are themselves the problem. Early studies on bullying focused on the behavior of the bully, the target, or the bully-target pairing (Olweus, 1999). Recent approaches have adopted an ecological perspective that examines the broader context in which bullying can occur and especially the many interrelated systems of the environment, such as the workplace and its leadership (Namie, 2003). This study presents methods of aggression employed by bullies that leaders must recognize and cease."

- Bullying

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"There's no evidence that bullying led to murder, but considerable evidence it was a problem at Columbine High. After the tragedy, Mr. D took a lot of flak for bullying, particularly since he insisted he was unaware it had gone on. "I'm telling you, as long as I've been an administrator here, if I'm aware of a situation, then I deal with that situation," he said. "And I believe our teachers, and I believe our coaches. I turned my own son in. I believe that strongly in rules." That may have been part of his downfall. Mr. D did believe strongly in the rules. He held his staff to the same standard, and seemed to believe they would meet it. His unusual rapport with the kids also created a blind spot. It was all smiles when Mr. D strode down the corridor. They sincerely warmed at the sight of him, and sought to please him as well,. Sometimes he mistook that joy for pervasive bliss in his high school. Personal affinities also obscured the problem. Mr. D knew he was drawn to sports. He worked hard to offset that by attending debate tournaments, drama tryouts, and art shows. He conferred regularly with the student senate. But those were all success stories. Mr. D balanced athletics and academics better than overachievers and unders. "I don't think he had a preference on purpose," a pierced-out girl in a buzz cut and red tartan boots said. "He's got a lot of school spirit, and I think he aims it in the direction he's most comfortable with, like school sports and student congress." She saw DeAngelis as a sincere man, making a tremendous effort to interact with students, unaware that his natural inclination toward happy, energetic students created a blind spot for the outsiders. "My Goth friends hated the school," she said."

- Bullying

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"Bullies are typically attempting to promote or assert an identity rather than defend one. Their behavior is typically predatory rather than dispute related. Bullies prey on vulnerable targets, usually in the presence of third parties, in order to show how tough they are (see Olweus, 1978). For the bully, dominating the victim is an accomplishment, a way of demonstrating power to himself and others. In case of jealousy, a person may intentionally harm another person who has not attacked or wronged them in any way. Both justice and self-image concerns can produce an aggressive response when someone is jealous. When people think that someone has received an unfair share of some reward, they may attempt to restore equity by harming the person, even when that person is not held responsible for the injustice. We have referred to this behavior as "redistributive justice" (to distinguish it from "retributive justice"). Thus, an employee may blame the supervisor who gives a raise to someone else but attempt to produce unfavorable outcomes for the coworker who received a raise. Jealous people may also attempt to harm the object of jealousy for purposes of downward comparison (Wills, 1981). They may engage in aggressive behavior that lowers the standing of the target on some dimension, thereby providing a favorable comparison for the actor. They put themselves "up" by putting others "down". Wills (1981) suggested that downward comparison was an alternative explanation for the displacement effects obtained in experiments testing frustration-aggression theory. He noted that investigations of displaced aggression, scapegoating, and hostility generalization all involve some challenge to the participants' identities."

- Bullying

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"We all want the same thing; for humanity to work together for the greater good of each other. To treat the next person as we want to be treated and vice-versa. What a great nation we would be if we could apply a simple principle like that. But we live in a world full of hate, racism, classism, colorism, jealousy, bitterness, abuse of power, molestation, drunkenness, violence, gangs, war, crime, etc. There's more, but it hurts just to identify a small portion of what really happens in this world on that list. All of that is born out of evil. Some of these can certainly be reasons for people turning to bullying. They can indirectly affect children if parents participate in any of these acts. We don't always think about it that way, but it's true. What young people see older people do, they begin to mimic their actions and thus could end up duplicating several offenses. Those offenses would start at a young age and will begin to show its head in elementary, middle and high school. In situations like that, the question is always- why do they act that way? What is making them do that? You always have to start with what's going on at home and what are the influences that surround the student. Evaluate the parents and their involvement with the student, then move on to who they hang out with and what they are feeding their minds from the television and the internet. Once you do that, you will quickly find answers to all your questions."

- Bullying

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"This point may seem obvious, but it needs to be said: School shooters are disturbed individuals. These are not ordinary kids who were bullied into retaliation. These are not ordinary kids who played too many video games. These are not ordinary kids who just wanted to be famous. These are simply not ordinary kids. These are kids with serious psychological problems. This fact has often been missed or minimized in reports on school shooters. Why, then, if school shooters are a complex phenomenon, has there been such a focus on simplistic explanations like bullying? One reason is that in the immediate aftermath of an attack, detailed information about the perpetrator is not available. It may take months or years for relevant details to be made public, and by that point, the story is no longer front-page news. As a result, the more in-depth information does not reach as large an audience as the initial reports. Another issue is that most people are not mental health professionals and therefore cannot be expected to understand personality disorders, depression, trauma, and psychotic disorders. In addition, there is sometimes a suspicion regarding reports of psychosis. People often believe that criminals invent reports of hallucinations or delusions in order to avoid being found guilty. There is yet another reason for the triumph of the sound bite. Put simply, we can all understand the concept of revenge."

- Bullying

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"Adult bullying at work is a shocking, frightening, and at times shattering experience, both for those targeted and for onlookers. Workplace bullying, mobbing, and emotional abuse essentially synonymous phenomena*are persistent, verbal, and nonverbal aggression at work that include personal attacks, social ostracism, and a multitude of other painful messages and hostile interactions. Because this phenomenon is perpetrated by and through communication, and because workers’ principal responses are communicative in nature, it is vital that communication scholars join the academic dialogue about this damaging feature of worklife. The harm to workers runs the gamut of human misery including ‘‘anxiety, depression, burnout, frustration, helplessness, ... difficulty concentrating, alcohol abuse (Richman, Flaherty, & Rospenda, 1996), and posttraumatic stress disorder (Leymann & Gustafsson, 1996; Mikkelsen & Einarsen, 2002). Witnessing co-workers experience increased fear, emotional exhaustion, hypervigilance, stress, and intentions to leave (Jennifer, Cowie, & Anaiadou, 2003; Vartia, 2001, 2003). Bullying also hinders group communication, cohesion, and performance by creating hostile environments marked by apprehension, distrust, anger, and suspicion (Frost, 2003; Lockhart, 1997; Vartia, 2003). What makes this communicative phenomenon especially grave is its elevated prevalence in US workplaces. From 28% to 36% of US workers report persistent abuse at work (Keashly & Neuman, 2005; Lutgen-Sandvik, Tracy, & Alberts, 2005; Neuman, 2004), and nearly 25% of US companies report some degree of bullying (Blosser, 2004). Furthermore, over 80% of workers say they have witnessed bullying sometime during their work histories (Keashly & Neuman, 2005; Lutgen-Sandvik, 2003a; Namie, 2003b). Given its prevalence and negative consequences, bullying warrants the attention of communication scholars, particularly those studying power and oppression."

- Bullying

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"More than 90% of adults experience workplace bullying—that is, psychological and emotional abuse—at some time during the span of their work careers (Hornstein, 1996). The supervisors who inflict psychological abuse on subordinates represent one of the most frequent and serious problems confronting employees in today’s workforce (Yamada, 2000). Although the television news is quick to report the rare but sensational incidents of disgruntled employees returning to their former workplaces seeking revenge (e.g., “Office Rampage,” 1999), rarely do we see stories of employee humiliation and psychological violence perpetrated by more powerful organizational members. Research indicates a link between workplace abuse and workplace violence as the aggressor becomes increasingly more threatening to targeted employees (Namie & Namie, 2000). In addition to increased threats of violence from abusers (Leymann, 1990), employees who feel unfairly treated may express their anger and outrage in subtle acts of retaliation against their employers, including work slowdown or covertly sabotaging the abuser (Skarlicki & Folger, 1997). As reported in a government study, “The cost to employers is untold hours and dollars in lost employee work time, increased health care costs, high turnover rates, and low productivity” (Bureau of National Affairs [BNA], 1990, p. 2). Employee emotional abuse (EEA) is a repetitive, targeted, and destructive form of communication directed by more powerful members at work at those less powerful."

- Bullying

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"A couple of years ago, I was driving in Cincinnati with Usha, when somebody cut me off. I honked, the guy flipped me off, and when we stopped at a red light (with this guy in front of me), I unbuckled my seat belt and opened the car door. I planned to demand an apology (and fight the guy if necessary), but my common sense prevailed and I shut the door before I got out of the car. Usha was delighted that I'd changed my mind before she yelled at me to stop acting like a lunatic (which has happened in the past), and she told me that she was proud of me for resisting my natural instinct. The other driver's sin was to insult my honor, and it was on that honor that nearly every element of my happiness depended as a child- it kept the school bully from messing with me, connected me to my mother when some man or his children insulted her (even if I agreed with the substance of the insult), and gave me something, however small, over which I exercised complete control. For the first eighteen or so years of my life, standing down would have earned me a verbal lashing as a "pussy", or a "wimp" or a "girl." The objectively correct course of action was something that the majority of my life had taught me was repulsive to an upstanding young man. For a few hours after I did the right thing, I silently criticized myself. But that's progress, right? Better that than sitting in a jail cell for teaching that asshole a lesson about defensive driving."

- Bullying

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"Bullying is a multifaceted problem, and thus it requires a many-pronged solution. It is not enough to monitor our children's media use, teach empathy to bullies, empower and support the victims, and provide children with social skills and conflict-resolution skills. We have to step back and analyze our own culpability in creating a culture that has fostered attitudes of entitlement and condescension toward those who are different. It is uncomfortable to explore our own secret inconsistencies and stereotypes. One mother told me she initially recoiled at the sight of her preschool son in a dress, before she ultimately decided that he should be allowed to play dress up if that is what makes him happy. Many people disagree with her, and issues of gender noncomformity are particularly controversial. Gender-based bullying is rampant, and it stems from a myriad of places. Even within gender-based bullying, not all victims receive equal defending. The world was quick to defend Katie's right to be a Star Wars-loving girl, but a princess-loving boy is unlikely to receive such universal support. Some people say Star Wars is for everyone and princesses are just for girls. But if you walk into a toy store, Star Wars toys are clearly displayed in the "boys' section" and princesses are relegated to the pink "girls' section". Gender-based toy marketing contributes to gender-based stereotypes and creates situations ripe for bullying."

- Bullying

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"Modern policing did not evolve into an organized institution until the 1830s and '40s when northern cities decided they needed better control over quickly growing populations. The first American police department was established in Boston in 1838. The communities most targeted by harsh tactics were recent European immigrants. But, as African-Americans fled the horrors of the Jim Crow south, they too became the victims of brutal and punitive policing in the northern cities where they sought refuge. In 1929, the Illinois Association for Criminal Justice published the Illinois Crime Survey. Conducted between 1927 and 1928, the survey sought to analyze causes of high crime rates in Chicago and Cook County, especially among criminals associated with Al Capone. But also the survey provided data on police activity—although African-Americans made up just five percent of the area's population, they constituted 30 percent of the victims of police killings, the survey revealed. "There was a lot of one-on-one conflict between police and citizens and a lot of it was initiated by the police," says Malcolm D. Holmes, a sociology professor at the University of Wyoming, who has researched and written about the topic of police brutality extensively. That same year, President Herbert Hoover established the National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement to investigate crime related to prohibition in addition to policing tactics. Between 1931 and 1932, the commission published the findings of its investigation in 14 volumes, one of which was titled “Report on Lawlessness in Law Enforcement.” The realities of police brutality came to light, even though the commission did not address racial disparities outright."

- Law enforcement in the United States

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"Dec. 30, 2005 – At least 46 people held at the Guantánamo Bay, Cuba detention camp joined a disputed number of fellow detainees already refusing food in protest of their indefinite detention last week, the Department of Defense said in a statement yesterday. The announcement puts the official number of prisoners still fasting at 84. The Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) and other humanitarian groups maintain that the real number of detainees refusing food could be much higher, a contention that is impossible to verify because the prison facility is closed to nearly all visitors. Two months after the hunger strike began, CCR and other detainee lawyers put the number who have been involved in the fast at over 200. But the military told The NewStandard that the number topped off at 131 and had dropped to about 26 in October. In a recent statement released by the Southern Command, the military said the number of participants fluctuated with the anniversary of the September 11 attacks and with the arrival of detainee lawyers, possibly accounting for the discrepancies between the two sides. "This technique [hunger striking] is consistent with Al-Qaeda training and reflects detainee attempts to elicit media attention and bring pressure on the United States government to release them," the statement added. The new hunger strikers refused food on Christmas day, according to the military, and joined a five-month fast kept up by detainees to draw attention to what they, human rights groups and their lawyers say are inhumane conditions outlawed by international accords and domestic law. The renewed strike comes amid accusations from the United Nations that long-term hunger striking detainees have been treated cruelly. According to UN torture investigator Manfred Nowak, prison guards and doctors involved in force-feeding some of the prisoners did so with particular zealousness, causing an unspecified number to bleed and vomit. Nowak was among the investigators who had previously turned down an invitation to visit the camp, citing access restrictions imposed by the US. Thirty-two hunger strikers have been hospitalized and force-fed through nasal tubes, a prison camp spokesperson told the Boston Globe. In late October, US District Judge Gladys Kessler ordered the Defense Department to notify the lawyers of prisoners it intends to force-feed before doing so."

- Force-feeding

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"Margaret Sanger opened the first birth control clinic in the U.S. on October 16, 1916 in the Brownsville section of Brooklyn, New York. Sanger, her sister Ethel Byrne, who was a registered nurse, and Fania Mindell, an interpreter from Chicago, rented a small store-front space in Brownsville and canvassed the area with flyers written in English, Yiddish and Italian advertising the services of a birth control clinic. Sanger modeled the Brownsville Clinic after the birth control clinics she had observed in Holland in 1915. For ten cents each woman received Sanger's pamphlet What Every Girl Should Know, a short lecture on the female reproductive system, and instructions on the use of various contraceptives. The Clinic served more than 100 women on the first day and some 400 until October 26 when an undercover police woman and vice-squad officers placed Sanger, Byrne and Mindell under arrest. After being arraigned, Sanger spent the night in jail and was released the next morning. She re-opened the Clinic on November 14, only to be arrested a second time and charged with maintaining a public nuisance. Sanger opened the Clinic once again on November 16, but police forced the landlord to evict Sanger and her staff, and the Clinic closed its doors a final time. Sanger, Byrne and Mindell went to trial in January of 1917. Byrne, tried first, was convicted and sentenced to 30 days in Blackwell's Island prison and immediately went on a hunger strike. After 185 hours without food or water, she was forcibly fed. Before Byrne's condition proved fatal, Sanger and supporters prompted New York's Governor Whitman to issue a pardon. Sanger's own trial began on January 29, and she too was convicted. However, the court offered her a suspended sentence if she promised not to repeat the offense. She refused and was offered a choice of a fine or jail sentence. She chose the latter and spent thirty days in the Queens County Penitentiary without incident."

- Force-feeding

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"The nation of Mauritania faces a myriad of social, political and economic problems, which has greatly impacted it’s ability to develop. While most Mauritanians live and work in urban centers, a sizable number still depend on agriculture and animal husbandry, specifically in rural areas where the government has had little influence in affecting policy. One area where this is most apparent has been with gavage, or the practicing of force feeding. In his book Mauritania, Alfred G. Gerteiny wrote this of gavage: Women are subjected to gavage-that is, forced feeding, in order to gain weight. Fathers send daughters 10 or 11 years of age to live with herdtending dependent aznagui who see to it that the girls gain weight … often by being tied to the ground, and, to expand their stomachs, given nothing by water for three days. Then they are crammed with milk, usually camel’s milk. Though decades have passed since Gerteiny wrote of the practice, gavage still occurs. In Mauritania, women who are overweight, or in some cases, obese, are considered beautiful and alternatively, women who weigh what we here would consider a healthy weight are shunned. In recent years, the government and NGO’s have forcefully led a campaign to discourage the practice. The forceful feeding of adolescent girls creates a plethora of health complications as the young girls mature into women. In the larger cities, the practice has visibly been cut, both by a changing of the times and by the discouragement of the practice. However, things are different in the desert, where people continue traditional practices."

- Force-feeding

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"One of the nation's preeminent bioethics scholars, Arthur Caplan of the University of Pennsylvania, testified on Coleman's behalf that the feeding of competent prisoners against their will -- even to save their lives -- violates the most basic tenets of the medical profession. Rational, competent adults have a fundamental right to reject medical care. Force-feeding prisoners is no different than forcibly transfusing Jehovah's Witnesses or providing unwanted chemotherapy to terminally-ill cancer patients. The World Medical Association's 1975 Declaration of Tokyo strictly prohibits physicians from engaging in such practices, which it describes as "contrary to the laws of humanity." The AMA has fully embraced this document. When the United States began force-feeding prisoners at Guantanamo Bay, two hundred fifty prominent physicians signed an open letter to a leading British journal, The Lancet, called for sanctions against the medical professionals involved in these nonconsensual interventions. Among the reasons for this outcry is that forcible feeding through a naso-gastric tube ranks alongside the most unpleasant and downright horrific experiences that one human being can inflict upon another. The British journalist Djuna Barnes volunteered to be "forcibly" fed for a muckraking exposé in The World Magazine (1914) and later wrote that "it is utterly impossible to describe the anguish of it." Others have compared it to being orally sodomized while paralyzed. Having placed such tubes into the noses of willing patients myself, in order to save their lives, I can assure you that driving one down the throat of an unwilling subject must be unspeakably ghastly."

- Force-feeding

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"Doboj, Bosnia - Outside the door of the Red Cross office here in the Serbian sector of northern Bosnia, a dozen anxious women gather on the off-chance of news. Their husbands are not among the 109 prisoners released by the Bosnian Muslims in Tuzla, 60 miles away, but perhaps one of the former captives has seen or heard of their men, most of them missing since the Serbs were pushed back in the September 1995 offensive. No news is not good news. One woman, pale and jumpy, poured out her fears that her husband had been "ritually murdered" by the mujahedin, whom many Serbs believe were sent in their thousands from Arab countries to fight for the Muslims. The Red Cross managed to register lists of Tuzla prisoners last month, but many men are unaccounted for. Former prisoners said they were not visited by any humanitarian agency for the first three or four months of their captivity. All the newly released prisoners I talked to were reluctant conscripts, and none seemed to know what the war was about. One, a grizzled, unshaven sergeant wearing a bright new jacket, described his 45 days of solitary confinement and of interrogation - on how many women he had raped and how many Muslims he had killed - accompanied by blindfolding and beatings. Later, he said, he was put in a shared cell in a regular prison. "Work" consisted of being handcuffed to a fence and made to pull grass. Sometimes he was taken into the prison yard to pick up cigarette butts dropped by more-kindly treated Muslim prisoners - deserters - who were kept separate from the Serbs, but who could watch him at his task. His guards got some fun out of making him shout: "I'm a dirty Chetnik!" Another prisoner, Goran Pandurevic, told of being captured when Muslim forces overran Serb positions. He was shut in a disused ambulance shed for two days, where he claimed he and his companions were beaten and humiliated, forced to "eat paper and soap", and given one-and-a-half litres of water a day for 30 men. Later, the prisoners were taken to Tuzla and put into a civilian prison, he said. Forty men were held in a cell measuring four metres by five and were kept there for three months without exercise or medical attention, apart from aspirins, for the wounded and sick. The men were often forbidden to sit down during the day. Drinking-water had to be collected in bottles from the toilets, which they visited three times a day. They were given no changes of clothes, no heating, and nothing to do. After three months they were taken out on work details, digging canals and rebuilding ruined buildings. After the months of darkness and confinement, Mr Pandurevic said, they "could hardly see or walk". He claimed that as the prisoners worked, guards subjected them to random beatings. Mr Pandurevic described his release as "a new birth". I asked him what he had done the night before, after being reunited with his family. "No going out drinking", he said. "I was drunk on the alcohol of life.""

- Force-feeding

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"Hunger strikes are relatively uncommon inside ICE detention. Last month, ICE began non-consensual feeding and hydration of numerous El Paso detainees after a federal judge issued a court order allowing them to be force-fed against their will. “ICE is committed to preserving the lives of those in its custody and maintaining orderly detention facility operations,” the agency said Thursday in response to the U.N.'s statement. “For their health and safety, ICE closely monitors the food and water intake of those detainees identified as being on a hunger strike. Medical staff constantly monitor detainees to evaluate whether the hunger strike poses a risk to the detainee’s life or permanent health.” While ICE doesn’t keep statistics on force-feeding throughout the immigration detention system, attorneys, advocates and agency staffers AP spoke with did not recall a situation where it had come to force-feeding. Federal courts have not conclusively decided whether judges must issue orders before ICE force-feeds detainees, so rules vary by district and orders are sometimes filed secretly. The controversy comes as President Donald Trump prepares to visit El Paso on Monday for his first campaign rally of the year to be held at a coliseum in the bustling border city. The detainees, who are refusing food to protest what they describe as verbal abuse and threats of deportation from guards, are being held in a highly guarded facility surrounded by a chain-link fence on a busy street near the airport."

- Force-feeding

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"Manual restraint, a type of physical restraint, is a common practice in inpatient mental health settings linked to adverse physical and psychological staff and patient outcomes. However, little is known about the use of manual restraint for compulsory nasogastric feeding of patients with anorexia nervosa within inpatient eating disorder settings. The present phenomenological study aimed to explore nursing assistants’ experiences of administering manual restraint for compulsory nasogastric feeding of young persons with anorexia nervosa. The study followed COREQ guidelines. Eight semi-structured interviews were conducted with eight nursing assistants from one UK inpatient child and adolescent eating disorder service. Interviews were transcribed verbatim and analysed using Thematic Analysis. Three themes were extracted: An unpleasant practice, Importance of coping, and Becoming desensitised and sensitised. Nursing assistants commonly experienced emotional distress, physical exhaustion, physical injury and physical aggression as a result of their manual restraint use. Nursing assistants appeared to cope with their distress by talking with colleagues and young persons who were further in their recovery, and by detaching themselves during manual restraint incidents. The findings highlight that the use of manual restraint for compulsory nasogastric feeding of young persons with anorexia nervosa in the UK, is a highly distressing practice for nursing assistants. It is therefore important that sufficient supervision, support and training is made available to staff working in these settings."

- Force-feeding

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"Manual restraint is a form of physical restraint practice, used particularly within inpatient mental health settings, whereby one or more persons restrict the movement of another by manually holding them (Stewart et al., 2009; Stubbs & Paterson, 2011). This differs from mechanical physical restraint which refers to the use of devices (e.g., belts or cuffs) to restrict movement (Care Quality Commission, 2018). Manual restraint is commonly used in conjunction with seclusion and chemical restraint to prevent harm to patients and staff, or to administer medications and other treatments (Chapman et al., 2016; Hawkins et al., 2005; Ryan & Bowers, 2006). For instance, the literature has highlighted the use of manual restraint in response to patient self-harming, aggressive and attempted absconding behaviours (Bowers et al., 2015), and patient medication refusal (Owiti & Bowers, 2011). Concerns have been raised about manual restraint use (Mind, 2013), and internationalguidelines and programmes advocating for its reduction have emerged (e.g., Department of Health, 2014; Mental Health Commission, 2014; O’Hagan et al., 2008; Royal Australian and New Zealand College of Psychiatrists, 2016). Within England alone, over 50,000 incidents of manual restraint were recorded between the years of 2016 and 2017 in National Health Service funded secondary mental health, learning disability (LD) and autism services (Collinson, 2017), demonstrating the commonality of manual restraint practice. This study explores nursing assistants’ experiences of administering manual restraint for compulsory nasogastric feeding (CNF) of young persons with anorexia nervosa (AN)."

- Force-feeding

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"The literature has highlighted the numerous adverse physical and psychological staff outcomes as a result of manual restraint use. Staff have reported experiencing physical exhaustion, physical pain and injury, and numerous unpleasant emotions (e.g., anxiety, fear, anger) as a result of administering manual restraint (Bigwood & Crowe, 2008; Bonner et al., 2002; Chapman et al., 2016; Sequeira & Halstead, 2004; Wilson et al., 2017). Manual restraint has also been linked to staff feelings of internal conflict, as staff may perceive the act of manually restraining patients as incongruent with their therapeutic role (Bigwood & Crowe, 2008; Chapman et al., 2016; Sequeira & Halstead, 2004; Wilson et al., 2017). Although manual restraint is commonly administered within inpatient mental health settings (Stewart et al., 2009; Wilson et al., 2017), the literature has also illustrated its use within the emergency department, LD services, and paediatric general hospital and residential childcare settings (Chapman et al., 2016; Fish & Culshaw, 2005; Lombart et al., 2019; Steckley & Kendrick, 2008; Svendsen et al., 2017). The manual restraint of young persons raises ethical and moral issues for staff, and this has been evidenced by the distress and internal conflict staff may experience when manually restraining young persons (Lombart et al., 2019; Steckley & Kendrick, 2008; Svendsen et al., 2017). For instance, staff have reported feeling guilty when restraining children for medical procedures, with some describing how “difficult and demanding” the process can be (Lombart et al., 2019; Svendsen et al., 2017). Presently, little research has been conducted on the use of manual restraint within child and adolescent settings. However, even less research has been conducted on the use of manual restraint for CNF of patients with AN within inpatient eating disorder settings."

- Force-feeding

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"AN is an eating disorder characterised by an extremely low body weight, a severe restriction of food, a strong desire to be thin, and an intense fear of gaining weight (National Institute of Mental Health, 2018). Under relevant mental health legislation, patients with AN can be administered CNF in extreme cases when they are presenting with very low body weight, and refusing to eat and/or drink (Fuller et al., 2019; Royal College of Psychiatrists, 2014). In the rare case when a patient is resistant to nasogastric feeding, staff members may administer manual restraint to ensure the safety of themselves and the patient during feeding (Fuller et al., 2019, 2020; Neiderman et al., 2001). Within the UK, manual restraint in this context may be used in the absence of other restrictive practices (e.g., seclusion), and may involve holding the patient’s arms, legs and head in a safe position, in order to allow for the safe passing of a nasogastric tube and subsequent feeding (Fuller et al., 2019; Neiderman et al., 2001). Feeding in the context of active resistance is a rare event and raises ethical, legal and clinical issues for all those involved (National Collaborating Centre for Mental Health, 2004). Despite the wealth of research that exists on the treatment of AN, we could only locate one published qualitative study that explored the experience of CNF in the context of AN, including the experience of CNF under manual restraint (Neiderman et al., 2001). In this qualitative survey study exploring children and adolescent patients’, and their parents’ experiences of nasogastric feeding, the authors summarised patients’ nasogastric feeding experiences into two main categories: “I regretted it at the time but think that it was necessary” and “I hated it then and hate it now”. This study however did not focus specifically on the practice of CNF under manual restraint, and did not use in-depth qualitative data collection methods such as individual interviews (the authors used qualitative questionnaires). Studies specifically exploring the experience of CNF under manual restraint from either the patient or staff member’s perspective using in-depth data collection methods, could provide valuable insight into this under-researched practice."

- Force-feeding

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"Participants were recruited from a private 25-bed locked inpatient specialist child and adolescent eating disorder service in the UK which provides inpatient treatment to young persons aged 9-18 years with eating disorders. In addition to providing multidisciplinary input from a number of professionals including psychiatrists, paediatricians, psychologists, family therapists and dieticians, the eating disorder service, under the powers of the Mental Health Act 1983 (Department of Health, 2015), and occasionally parental consent, also provides CNF under manual restraint as an intervention to young persons with AN presenting with ongoing food and/or fluid refusal and subsequent non-compliance with nasogastric feeding. A standard CNF intervention under manual restraint within the eating disorder service could typically last between 10 and 30 minutes, and involve up to five nursing assistants restraining the young person in the seated position, and up to two registered mental health nurses inserting the nasogastric tube, checking the tube’s placement, and delivering subsequent dietary nutrition through the tube via syringe. As reported by participants, up to 12 CNF interventions under manual restraint could occur per shift within the eating disorder service. This was owing to the fact that some young persons had care plans in place for pre-planned CNF interventions under manual restraint to be implemented multiple times per day (e.g., at specific times during the mornings, afternoons and evenings) due to their global and ongoing refusal of all foods and fluids, and their non-compliance with nasogastric feeding. Chemical restraint was not routinely used within the eating disorder service, and there was a service policy in place for CNF interventions under manual restraint to be aborted and reattempted at a later time in circumstances where it was not possible to safely administer nasogastric feeding within 30 minutes of manual restraint holds being applied."

- Force-feeding

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"An Unpleasant Practice Administering manual restraint for CNF of young persons with AN was an unpleasant practice for all nursing assistants, and this was evidenced by the numerous reported adverse physical, psychological and interpersonal outcomes. Some felt that they did not receive enough support from the eating disorder organisation in managing these outcomes. Six subthemes are reported. Emotional distress. Despite recognising the necessity of CNF under manual restraint for young persons with AN who were refusing all foods and/or fluids, seven of the eight nursing assistants described the emotional distress they experienced as a result of administering manual restraint. Some described the practice as “traumatising” both for themselves and the young person; this was predominately attributed to the coercive nature of the practice and the young person’s distressing response to it, which typically included active resistance, aggression, screaming, coughing, complaints of discomfort, and occasional nasal bleeding from nasogastric tube insertion: It’s scary, it’s emotionally draining for both the patient and staff . . . there’s blood coming out [from the young person’s nose], the child is screaming down the place, so as much as you’re supporting the child, it becomes very difficult because it seems like you’re either attacking or physically punishing somebody. (Participant 2) Seven nursing assistants reported experiencing a range of unpleasant emotions as a result of applying manual restraint for CNF. Anxiety, guilt and anger were commonly cited emotions. Participants felt anger, often, in response to being hurt by the young person during restraint, and the young person’s lack of cooperation. Anxiety and guilt were commonly attributed to the unpredictability and coerciveness of manual restraint respectively: Before I go into a restraint, my heart starts pumping a bit more . . . I feel very anxious because we don’t know what could happen. (Participant 4)"

- Force-feeding

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"Physical exhaustion. All nursing assistants described the physical exhaustion they felt in relation to applying manual restraint for CNF, especially in circumstance where the young person was highly resistive. There were multiple manual restraints to perform per shift, and reports of sweating during restraints were not uncommon. At times, the manual restraint continued even after nasogastric feeding had been completed because the young person was either trying to self-harm or purge the liquid supplement they had just been given. This made the whole restraint even more tiring for participants: Once you’ve been in a restraint in a feed you just want to be done with it because it’s a physical thing, your body’s tired, you’re hot and sweaty, you’re covered in their sweat as well . . . and if someone continues it by trying to purge, it’s more tiring than anything else. (Participant 5) Despite the physical exhaustiveness of using manual restraint, all nursing assistants also reported that the restraint of some young persons involved minimal physical exertion because of their increased compliance and preference to be fed under restraint: I was restraining her arm and one of her legs, and it wasn’t very intense. The patient was going through this process for a very long time, so she was at that stage where she wanted this holding let’s say, but she wasn’t aggressive or very resistive. (Participant 1) Once you’ve been in a restraint in a feed you just want to be done with it because it’s a physical thing, your body’s tired, you’re hot and sweaty, you’re covered in their sweat as well . . . and if someone continues it by trying to purge, it’s more tiring than anything else. (Participant 5)"

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"Detaching the self. Five of the eight nursing assistants reported actively detaching themselves from the process when they were administering manual restraint for CNF. This was predominately described by female nursing assistants and was evidenced through the use of terms such as “zoning out”, “shutting off” and “taking my mind off”. Detaching the self appeared to be a conscious response used by participants to cope with the adverse psychological outcomes of manual restraint use: I sort of try to stay focused on what I’m doing during the whole process but sort of try to take my mind out of this as well so that I can cope with it because it’s a very stressful procedure so I’m trying to think of something more calming. (Participant 1) I get to a point when I just shut off and then I’m just staring into nowhere and just trying to remain in the restraint position because it’s just too much to take in. (Participant 8) For one nursing assistant, detaching the self was a “necessary” coping strategy that guarded against the adverse psychological outcomes that could result from paying attention to the young person’s distress during restraint. Failing to “zone out”, in this participants view, was self-destructive: It becomes quite emotionally damaging to pay attention too much to what the patients are screaming and shouting about in the feed so I prefer to kind of zone out, it’s my coping mechanism . . . it’s necessary to zone out and I kick myself if I don’t do it because it’s just self-destructive not to. (Participant 5)"

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"Talking with others. Six of the eight nursing assistants reported seeking out conversations with their colleagues and young persons who were further in their recovery, after they had been involved in a manual restraint for CNF. For some participants, this appeared to be a method of cheering up through humour: Sometimes you just need to get away and be lifted up by someone else. If you can bounce off of a staff member it’s pretty good...or go to some of the hyper kids, the kids that at the moment are really doing well, and if they’re all having banter with each other, you can sort of get brought into it and sometimes you just forget what’s just happened in the restraint. (Participant 5) For other participants conversing with their colleagues was a method of “venting out” after a particularly challenging restraint which had elicited feelings of frustration: You can vent out amongst each other as the people that have done the restraint. (Participant 3) Four nursing assistants reported seeking out trusted staff members to confide in. For the majority of these participants this was a method of expressing their feelings, especially in circumstances where they had partaken in a restraint that had upset them: . . . and then I spoke to a member of staff that I trusted in that situation and it turned out that the same thing had happened to her so it was nice to have that understanding, it made me feel much less alone. (Participant 7)"

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"Becoming desensitised and sensitized Despite the physical and emotional challenges that encapsulated participants’ experiences of administering manual restraint for CNF of young persons with AN, and unlike the “Importance of coping” theme which described participants’ conscious attempts to cope with the procedure, five of the eight nursing assistants reported becoming emotionally desensitised to the practice over time. This was an adaptation predominately reported by male nursing assistants through descriptions such as “getting used to it”, becoming “desensitised” and becoming “immune”: We’re kind of immune to the screams, the noises, the fighting, the everything so it’s much easier nowadays, if it’s done properly and you’re not being hurt, it’s easy to go through a restraint without feeling very guilty that you’re doing anything wrong. (Participant 2) For some nursing assistants, this familiarity to the practice of applying manual restraint for CNF appeared to be facilitated by a change in their attitudes towards the practice over time. This attitude change appeared to involve the acceptance of CNF under restraint as something that was necessary, either as part of their job role or for the young person’s own safety: Now it’s just what needs to be done, it’s what needs to be done because the patient is not taking the responsibility of feeding themselves so we have to take on that responsibility. (Participant 4) In contrast to becoming desensitised, two nursing assistants reported that they had become emotionally sensitised to the manual restraint procedure. Participating in the restraint had become more emotionally challenging for these participants over time due to the therapeutic relationship they had built with the young person over time: The first restraints were a lot easier because I didn’t have a connection with the patients, whereas the later on it’s got, the more connection I have with the patients, the more worried I am, and the more emotionally demanding it is. (Participant 5)"

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"The purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore nursing assistants’ experiences of administering manual restraint for CNF of young persons with AN. The findings paint a physically and emotionally distressing picture of the participants’ experiences and provide valuable insight into the experience of applying manual restraint for CNF of patients with AN. It is clear from the analysis that administering manual restraint for CNF of young persons with AN was a distressing practice for nursing assistants. The practice elicited numerous unpleasant emotions including anxiety, guilt and anger, and a small number of participants described becoming emotionally sensitised to the practice over time. Although the majority of participants expressed becoming emotionally desensitised to the manual restraint procedure, their accounts were often contradictory, suggesting that they had not necessarily become desensitised to the practice. These findings are in line with that of previous studies of staff’s manual restraint experiences in both child and adolescent, and adult consumer settings, which have also highlighted the experience of distress and numerous unpleasant emotions as a result of administering manual restraint (e.g., Bigwood & Crowe, 2008; Bonner et al., 2002; Chapman et al., 2016; Lombart et al., 2019; Sequeira & Halstead, 2004; Steckley & Kendrick, 2008; Svendsen et al., 2017; Wilson et al., 2017). It is not surprising that the theme “Importance of coping” was extracted from the analysis, given the illustrated adverse physical and psychological staff consequences that could result from applying manual restraint for CNF of young persons. The majority of nursing assistants described consciously detaching themselves from manual restraint incidents as a means of coping with the distress it elicited. Detaching oneself appeared to serve a protective function for participants, somewhat safeguarding them against the experience of distressing emotions; this is in line with the findings of previous studies in both child and adolescent, and adult consumer settings which have highlighted how some staff “switch off” their feelings or “temporarily suspend” their ability to empathise with patients during manual restraint incidents (Lombart et al., 2019; Sequeira & Halstead, 2004). Talking with colleagues and young persons who were further in their recovery were also cited by nursing assistants as coping strategies. These strategies appeared to help nursing assistants regulate their emotions through humour (e.g., “banter”), and through cathartic processes (e.g., “venting out”). Staff participants from previous studies of manual restraint within adult mental health settings have similarly highlighted the importance of colleague support in coping with restraint use (Bigwood & Crowe, 2008; Bonner et al., 2002; Sequeira & Halstead, 2004). However, this finding has not been explicitly reflected in studies within child and adolescent settings (e.g., Lombart et al., 2019; Steckley & Kendrick, 2008; Svendsen et al., 2017)."

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"By far the most prevalent finding in this study concerned the adverse physical outcomes that pervaded nursing assistants’ experiences of administering manual restraint for CNF of young persons with AN. Nursing assistants were subjected to frequent physical aggression by some young persons, they sustained physical injuries from being physically abused and from executing manual restraints, and they were often physically exhausted from applying manual restraint, typically multiple times during each shift. These findings are in line with previous studies of manual restraint within adult consumer settings which have highlighted the commonality of staff injuries during manual restraint use (Chapman et al., 2016; Lancaster et al., 2008; Southcott & Howard, 2007; Wilson et al., 2017), the physical exhaustion associated with administering manual restraint (Hawkins et al., 2005), and the patient physical aggression staff may be subjected to during manual restraint incidents (Wilson et al., 2017). However, with the exception of one study which reported staff physical exhaustion (Lombart et al., 2019), these findings have not been reflected in previous studies of manual restraint within child and adolescent settings. An important finding in this study concerned the interpersonal challenges that the majority of nursing assistants reported experiencing including staff conflict, and feelings of pressure and responsibility. In almost all cases, the former and latter experiences were associated with manual restraint performance, that is, the nursing assistants’ effectiveness at executing their designated manual restraint positions. Although these findings have not been explicitly reflected in previous studies of staff manual restraint experience, two of the participant extracts in one study within an adult mental health setting, were illustrative of the feelings of pressure and responsibility described by participants in this study (e.g., “they were all there watching, and I am thinking Oh God, have I done this right”; Bigwood & Crowe, 2008, p. 219)."

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"In light of the findings of this study, it is crucial that eating disorder services providing CNF under manual restraint sufficiently support their frontline nursing staff. Support can include the implementation of policies ensuring that manual restraints are spread out fairly between nursing staff, so that the same staff members are not repeatedly involved in manual restraint incidents. Support can also include, access to adequate manual restraint training and refresher training, access to adequately sized and ventilated ward areas/rooms for administering manual restraint for CNF, and access to sufficient supervision, post-restraint debriefing, reflective sessions, and talking therapy. Under the close working between psychiatrists, physicians and anaesthetists, it would also be reasonable for relevant eating disorder services to consider the supplementary risk-assessed use of chemical restraint (e.g., oral and parenteral benzodiazepines and oral olanzapine) and mechanical restraint (e.g., restraining belts and soft cuffs) in extreme cases where patients present with ongoing extreme levels of physical aggression and resistance to staff during manual restraints for CNF (Ridley & Leitch, 2019; Royal College of Psychiatrists, 2012, 2014). The aforementioned points are particularly important given the risk of burnout, compassion fatigue and physical injury which may lead to high staff turnover and sickness, and poor standards of care if left unresolved."

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"It is critical that relevant eating disorder services prioritise the use of psychological interventions, and alternatives to CNF interventions under manual restraint where practically possible, given the highly distressing impact this practice may have on both nursing staff and patients. This can include offering a range of psychological interventions (e.g., art, family, individual and group therapy, etc) and dietary choices to patients (e.g., diverse food types, liquid supplements, etc), with such options frequently being re-communicated to patients who refuse them. The provision of staff training in communication and trauma-informed approaches may help nursing staff develop improved therapeutic relationships with patients (Maguire & Taylor, 2019), which in turn may have an impact on patients’ receptiveness towards staff support, their willingness to accept dietary intake, and in turn, their recovery from AN (Sly et al., 2013). CNF interventions under manual restraint should only be used as a last resort after exhaustive unsuccessful attempts have been made to offer oral dietary intake to patients, and there is a clinical need for feeding. This is particularly important for patients who present with ongoing refusal of significant dietary intake, where there may be a risk of the habitual use of manual restraint for CNF as a first resort intervention rather than a last resort. The findings of this study can be used as a useful source of information for relevant eating disorder services, to illustrate the potential adverse physical, psychological and interpersonal challenges that administering manual restraint for CNF of patients with AN, could pose to their nursing staff. The findings from this study could also be used as a reference for manual restraint for CNF training programmes to highlight the challenges this practice may pose to trainees."

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"The participants in this study were recruited from a single inpatient eating disorder service in the UK, meaning that their experiences are likely to have been specific to this service. Caution is thus needed when transferring the findings of this study to other inpatient eating disorder settings. Further research exploring the phenomenon of CNF under manual restraint within different inpatient eating disorder services would be valuable in clarifying the extent to which the experience described in this study is common. The first author [MK] had lived experience of administering manual restraint for CNF of patients with AN, and conducted all interviews and performed data analysis. Although he maintained a descriptive phenomenological stance throughout, kept a reflexive diary, and made revisions to the analysis following discussions with [JM] and [NS] who both had no lived experience of manual restraint, his lived experience is likely to have had some influence on the analysis. However, we employed member checking to improve credibility, and all our participants expressed that the analysis had accurately captured their experiences. Notwithstanding, it may be beneficial for future research exploring staff’s experiences of CNF under manual restraint to be conducted by researchers who do not have lived experience of this practice, in order to reduce potential bias. The participants in this study were nursing assistants and thus were not registered nurses. Consideration thus needs to be taken into account of how this participant group may differ to registered nurses, for example, in their training, experience, duties and levels of responsibility. Although the majority of our participants were educated to degree or masters level in related subjects such as Psychology and Biology, and were supervised by registered mental health nurses (so it is likely that they possessed adequate clinical knowledge and skills), the aforementioned points still need to be taken into consideration when transferring the findings of this study to other inpatient eating disorder settings. Participants all volunteered to participate in this study. Therefore, they were self-selected. Consequently, the participants may have potentially represented those who were more vocal or those with more negative or positive experiences. This needs to be taken into consideration when interpreting the findings of this study."

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"Edward Blanchette, an internist, is the clinical director for the department. He has examined the defendant from a physical aspect and has been monitoring his condition since the end of last September. He reviews the defendant's medical records thrice weekly and has met with him twice. The defendant has been taking only liquids, those being water, some juice and some milk. Although the defendant is adequately hydrated, he is taking insufficient calories to sustain himself. The defendant has already suffered muscle wasting and anemia but, by taking some milk, has slowed the speed of his deterioration. Blanchette testified that as of January 14, the defendant could cause himself serious physical damage within one month, and be in dire straits. Risks include the possibility of heart arrhythmia due to electrolyte imbalance, a life threatening situation. A sustained hunger strike will lead to kidney and liver failure, and eventually to death. Blanchette opined that the timing of such deterioration is not subject to precise calculation by a physician or fine-tuning by an inmate. He stated that it is unusual for an inmate to engage in a protracted hunger strike, such as the defendant's. Brian K. Murphy, deputy commissioner of operations for the department, who is responsible for supervision of all inmates and is a career department employee, testified as to the impact of a hunger strike on the inmate population. Murphy has risen, in twenty-six and one-half years, from a correctional officer to his present position, always with direct supervision of inmates. He became aware of the defendant's hunger strike last September and has been following it since, including meeting with the defendant. The department has taken no disciplinary action of any kind against the defendant for his hunger strike. On more than twenty past occasions, Murphy has had to deal with hunger strikes. He is adamant that there are no secrete in prisons, that inmates rely on the department to intervene to protect inmates from self-harm and that the defendant's death from a hunger strike could cause unrest, including demonstrations and physical violence. There is also the risk of copycat hunger strikes to manipulate the prison system, should the defendant's hunger strike continue."

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"In State ex rel. Schuetzle v. Vogel, 537 N.W.2d 358, 360-61 (N.D.1995), the Supreme Court of North Dakota determined that the state could force-feed and administer insulin to a diabetic prisoner who refused to eat or take medicine. Finding that the prisoner attempted this to "manipulate the system and ... blackmail ... prison officials"; (internal quotation marks omitted) id., at 360; the court ruled that "the state's interest in orderly prison administration is the controlling factor here...." Id., at 361. This issue has arisen in federal cases in the specific context of civil contemnors trying to circumvent the judicial process. A civil contemnor being held for refusing to testify before a grand jury went on a hunger strike for political and religious reasons. In re Grand Jury Subpoena John Doe v. United States, 150 F.3d 170, 171 (2d Cir.1998) (per curiam). In a very brief opinion, the court held that "the district court's force-feeding order ... does not violate a hunger-striking prisoner's constitutional rights.... Although Doe, as a civil contemnor, has been convicted of no crime, the institution where he is housed is still responsible for his care while incarcerated. Other compelling governmental interests, such as the preservation of life, prevention of suicide, and enforcement of prison security, order, and discipline, outweigh the constitutional rights asserted by Doe in the circumstances of this case." Id., at 172. The United States District Court for the Southern District of New York has also addressed this issue in the context of a civil contemnor, focusing on preventing the contemnor from undermining the judicial process. In re Sanchez, 577 F.Supp. 7 (S.D.N.Y.1983). The court held that "Sanchez is, by his own admission, attempting to bring maximum pressure to bear upon the Judge who will ultimately rule upon his motion to vacate the contempt order. Moreover, the prolongation of this hunger strike will soon render Mr. Sanchez physically or mentally incapable of testifying before the grand jury, thereby rendering further coercive sanctions futile. In one sense, therefore, Mr. Sanchez is attempting to escape from prison and to frustrate the lawful authority of the courts. This is a purpose that we cannot condone." Id., at 9."

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"In contrast, three courts have decided that the state has no right to force-feed an inmate. The Supreme Court of Georgia affirmed a trial court's decision to deny the state's petition to force-feed a hunger striking inmate. Zant v. Prevatte, 248 Ga. 832, 286 S.E.2d 715 (1982). In so doing, the court considered that "[the inmate] is not mentally incompetent, nor does he have dependents who rely on him for a means of livelihood. The issue of religious freedom is not present. Under these circumstances, we hold that [the inmate], by virtue of his right of privacy, can refuse to allow intrusions on his person, even though calculated to preserve his life. The State has not shown such a compelling interest in preserving [the inmate's] life, as would override his right to refuse medical treatment." Id., at 834, 286 S.E.2d 715. The state did not claim any of the traditional factors except a duty to preserve the inmate's health and life. In 1993, the Supreme Court of California determined that the state had no authority to interfere with an inmate's hunger strike. Thor v. Superior Court, supra, 5 Cal.4th 725, 21 Cal.Rptr.2d 357, 855 P.2d 375. The court's holding specified that "under California law a competent, informed adult has a fundamental right of self-determination to refuse or demand the withdrawal of medical treatment of any form irrespective of the personal consequences." Id., at 732, 21 Cal.Rptr.2d 357, 855 P.2d 375. The court further stated that "[u]nder the facts of this case, we further conclude that in the absence of evidence demonstrating a threat to institutional security or public safety, prison officials, including medical personnel, have no affirmative duty to administer such treatment and may not deny a person incarcerated in state prison this freedom of choice." Id."

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"Thor involved a prison physician petitioning the court to allow him to force-feed a quadriplegic patient who had decided to die. Id. The court considered four state interests: preserving life; preventing suicide; maintaining the integrity of the medical profession; and protecting innocent third parties. Id., at 737, 21 Cal.Rptr.2d 357, 855 P.2d 375. Finally, the court considered how this would affect orderly administration of the prison system. Id., at 744, 21 Cal.Rptr.2d 357, 855 P.2d 375. In considering the first four factors, the court, noted that this patient was quadriplegic and serving a life sentence; the patient's decision to refuse medical treatment was an informed decision, and there were no other persons involved in this decision. Id., at 743-44, 21 Cal.Rptr.2d 357, 855 P.2d 375. Finally, the state had presented no evidence on the effect this would have on administration of the prison system. Id., at 745, 21 Cal.Rptr.2d 357, 855 P.2d 375. The third case prohibiting state interference with a prisoner's hunger strike is from Florida. The inmate went on a hunger strike to protest his transfer to a different prison and to protest the lodging of complaints against a prison chaplain. Singletary v. Costello, 665 So.2d 1099, 1101 (Fla.App.1996). The court first recognized a strong interest in the inmate's rights to privacy and to refuse medical treatment. Id., at 1104. The court then weighed the state's interests in preserving life, preventing suicide, protecting third parties, maintaining the ethics of the medical profession, and maintaining order in the prison. Id., at 1105. On the facts of the case, the court stated that "although the state interest in the preservation of life is powerful, in and of itself, it will not foreclose a competent person from declining life-sustaining medical treatment.... This is because the life that the state is seeking to protect is the life of the same person who has competently decided to [forgo] the medical intervention." (Citation omitted.) Id., at 1109. The court found it important, also, that the prisoner had expressly stated that he did not want to die, meaning that the state's interest in preventing suicide was not implicated. Id. Finally, no evidence was offered on the other factors; therefore, the court denied the state's petition."

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"Follow the steps below to ensure correct tube placement, and the ongoing safety of the baby is maintained whilst receiving tube feeds. 1.On inserting a new tube verify placement by aspirating gastric contents and test with the pH indicator strips. Correct position is confirmed when the pH reading is less than or equal to 5. Presence of aspirate alone does not guarantee correct placement Note: Some medications, frequent feeds and continuous feeding may alter the pH and/or the colour of the aspirate e.g. acid inhibiting medications. If pH is >5 or there is difficulty in obtaining aspirate, follow the NPSA Decision tree for nasogastric tube placement checks in Children and Infants. The ‘whoosh’ test (injecting air down the tube and listening) is no longer considered safe practice and should not be used to confirm correct tube placement. 2. Record citing of tube, including internal length and pH in the child’s care map and observation chart. 3. Ensure tube remains in correct position by visually checking the tube position, and checking the aspirate with pH strips prior to each bolus feed or administration of any oral medications. This should be recorded in the feeding section of the observation charts. Note: The tube does not need to be fully aspirated prior to each feed, only enough to pH test, or if there is significant abdominal distention from air which needs aspirating. Infants on continuous feeds should have the position of the tube visualised every hour with routine observations, and pH tested every 4 hours with bottle/syringe changes. 4. Secure the tube using duoderm and hypafix tape placed either on the cheek or chin, and ensure this is firmly attached to the tube. 5. Continually assess feeding tolerance. Observe for vomiting, painful and firm abdominal distension, abdominal discolouration, abnormal bowel sounds, blood in stools, haemorrhagic or heavily bile stained (spinach or avocado) gastric aspirate during pH check. Seek medical review if there is any suspicion of feed intolerance. 6. If findings are not reassuring on medical review then feeds should be withheld. Start gastric decompression, consider further investigation and management for suspected NEC, discuss a feeding plan at the next ward round. 7. Ensure infants who are NBM have their gastric tubes on free drainage with the free end of the tube draining into a specimen pot. Do not attach the syringe connected to the gastric tube to the lid of the incubator. For infants on respiratory support, consider aspirating air from the stomach before each feed. 8. Tubes should be routinely replaced every 2 weeks. Note: if the gastric tube is not to be removed this should be recorded clearly on the observation chart and in the clinical notes (e.g. post TOF repair – see surgical guideline)"

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"Trans-pyloric tube placement Follow the steps below for placement of trans-pyloric tube. 1. A weighted tube is required for trans-pyloric placement (white Vygon paediatric duodenal tube with weighted tip, 6 Fr or Corpak Jejunal weighted tube). These do not harden over time and may be left in situ for several weeks. 2. Length for tube insertion is measured from as per gastric placement with a further length from the xiphoid to the left or right costal margin. 3. The tube is allowed to cool in the refrigerator for an hour; this reduces the chance of it coiling during insertion. 4. Swaddle infant to provide comfort 5. With the infant lying supine at a 15o-40o angle, insert the tube to the stomach as normal. 6. Check stomach positioning by aspirating and testing on a pH strip (reading of 5 or less) 7. Place the infant into a right lateral position 8. Advance the tube 1 cm at a time while instilling up to 2-3 ml of air and auscultate the abdomen 9. Transpyloric placement is characterised by high pitch crackles and the inability to withdraw air ('snap test') 10. Insert further length (as measured) to ensure distal duodenal or proximal jejunal placement. 11. Give a 3 ml feed and remove stylet (if present with brand). 12. The infant should then be placed right side down for 1-1.5 hours 13. Confirmation of placement will then be made by a radiograph. 14. Secure tubing to infant's cheek in same manner as gastric tubes 15. Insertion should be documented in the infant's caremap (equipment section) and in the clinical notes"

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"Short term enteral feeding in NICU *The optimal care is for all babies to receive breast milk only. This addresses those infants who do not need IV fluids and whose mothers have not established a breast milk supply. *In general, IV infusions should not be started if there are no medical indications for IV fluids (such as respiratory distress, hypoglycaemia etc.) *Babies who need feeding should be given what mother's breast milk is available and always receive mother's breast milk in preference to formula. Be sure to check that no breast milk is available before considering infant formula. *If they require additional feeds, infants should then be started on term infant formula, after discussion with their mother/father. In such discussions, parents should be informed that there are few - if any - adverse effects of formula used short term in this way in a neonatal unit. *For a baby who is already on an IV infusion, it is reasonable to continue the infusion for a short time if mother's milk supply is being established and there is a reasonable expectation that she will be producing enough breast milk with in a day or so. This time period needs to be judged against the ease of IV access and the condition of the baby. Babies should not have IVs re-inserted solely because no breast milk is available. *Smaller preterm infants will often have a medical indication for ongoing IV fluids and in them it is desirable to increase the oral fluids slowly. The pace of increase of oral fluids can usually be matched to the increase in the availability of expressed breast milk. *Mothers should be advised and helped with expressing. NICU staff should discuss expressing as soon as possible. It is accepted that the role of initially helping with expressing lies with postnatal ward staff. NICU staff should support mothers' expression of breast milk. *Nasogastric feeding rather than bottle or cup feeding is advantageous for ex-premature babies. Term babies who do not have problems with hypoglycaemia can usually transition directly from IV fluids to breast feeds. Alternatively, bottle or tube feeds may be used for larger infants. *NICU does not provide hydrolysed formula unless there is a clinical indication (other than a history of allergy). If there is a very strong family history of allergy, hydrolysed formula may be supplied on an individual basis. Parents may supply their own formula (hydrolysed or non-cow's milk preparations) if they wish."

- Force-feeding

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"In recent years, two hunger strikes by prisoners received extensive international attention, in part because a number of prisoners died during the protests: the 1981 hunger strike by Irish prisoners in Maze prison during which ten prisoners died, and the hunger strike by Turkish political prisoners in the summer of 1996 during which at least twelve prisoners died and numerous others suffered neurological and psychiatric problems. When the ICRC visited Maze prison in Ulster, the ICRC team members became very concerned despite the fact that, unlike at Guantánamo, medical personnel were authorized to see the hunger strikers and permitted to maintain close communication with the prisoners’ families: “‘[O]utside intervention’ was totally unacceptable in the (northern) Irish hunger strikes of 1980 and 1981. Although the ICRC sent a team with a medical doctor to see the fasting prisoners (as was widely reported in the press at the time), the hunger strikers in this case refused to accept any outside medical mediation. As soon became clear, the hunger strikes in Ulster were deadly serious, with a total of ten prisoners dying over several months. The prison doctors respected the expressed will of the hunger strikers, and force-feeding was not envisaged at any time. (This position based on respect for a patient’s integrity and his right to refuse treatment, was the exact opposite of the attitude held earlier in the century, when political hunger strikers were force-fed by court order in 1909). In the Irish strike, the prisoners’ families were very much involved and communicated with the prison doctors. In a few cases, it was the families of prisoners who asked doctors to intervene at an advanced stage to save their sons’ lives, a request that was complied with. The bottom line in the doctors’ position was that a prisoner’s express will (not to be nourished) would be respected as long as he was fit to decide, but that families could obtain medical assistance for their fasting relatives if [the prisoners] were no longer in a position to express refusal. (This sometimes led to bitter arguments, with some hunger strikers telling their families they would never forgive them if they broke the strike by asking for medical assistance on their behalf. Most families, in fact, supported their sons or husbands on the strike.)"

- Force-feeding

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"The ICRC’s observation of the Irish prisoners’ protest also emphasizes the ethical issues for medical providers raised by hunger strikes in prison facilities, particularly concerning the issue of force-feeding such prisoners. As is widely known, the World Medical Association (WMA) Declaration of Tokyo of 1975 prohibits a medical doctor’s participation in torture, whether actively, passively, or through the use of medical knowledge. Article 5 of the Tokyo Declaration also stipulates that prisoners on hunger strikes shall not be force-fed. According to Dr. André Wynen, former and Honorary Secretary-General and founding member of the WMA, Article 5 of the Tokyo Declaration relates to the declaration’s prohibition on medical providers’ involvement intorture. “If a prisoner undergoing torture decided to protest against his plight by going on a hunger strike, a doctor should not be obliged to administer nourishment against the prisoner’s will and thereby effectively revive him for more torture.” The WMA supplemented Article 5 of the Tokyo Declaration with the 1991 Declaration of Malta. The Malta Declaration also prohibits force-feeding, but stipulates that doctors should ultimately act for the benefit of their patients when the prisoner’s detention does not raise concerns about physician involvement in torture and the hunger striker is no longer capable of sound judgment because of the effects of long-term fasting."

- Force-feeding

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"The first coordinated large-scale mass protest at Guantánamo began on February 27, 2002 when prisoners initiated a rolling hunger strike. This hunger strike appears to have started when an MP removed a homemade turban from a prisoner during his prayer. As the hunger strike expanded to a peak of 194 participants over a two-month period, it became a protest of the prisoners’ indefinite detention without any legal process and their harsh living conditions. A spokesman for the Guantánamo Joint Task Force, Marine Captain Alan Crouch, acknowledged in a February 28, 2002 official statement that 159 prisoners refused lunch and 109 refused dinner on February 27, 2002. On February 28th, 107 refused breakfast and 194 did not eat dinner. At the beginning of the hunger strike, the military attempted to minimize the seriousness of the protest. In a prepared statement, a Joint Task Force public affairs officer, Marine Major Steve Cox, stated that “[b]y no means is this an organized, concerted effort by the camp’s detainee population, but merely a demonstration of some of the detainees’ displeasure over the uncertainty of their future.” Several days into the hunger strike, Brig. Gen. John W. Rosa, Jr., Deputy Director for Operations, Joint Chiefs of Staff, stated that the detention center commander and the chaplain “have been out and around with and speaking to the detainees. The tensions have eased in their opinion.” But by mid-March, three detainees who had refused food and water for approximately fourteen days were forcibly given intravenous fluids. By this time, military officials were acknowledging that the prisoners were protesting “the fact that they don’t know what is happening to them” and that the hunger strike participants’ primary concern was “their murky future.” In early May, only two prisoners continued to participate in this hunger strike. Both men had been striking since March 1, 2002 to protest their indefinite detention. The military returned one man to Camp Delta on May 2, 2002 after force-feeding him, ending his 63-day hunger strike. The other final participant was forcibly fed through a tube inserted in his nose on May 10, 2002 after 71 days of fasting."

- Force-feeding

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"Eventually eight of the women received sentences of imprisonment varying from one month to fourteen days, whilst Charlotte Marsh was sent to prison for three months' hard labour, and Mrs. Leigh for four. We knew that Mrs. Leigh and her comrades in the Birmingham Prison would carry out the hunger strike, and, on the following Friday, September 24th, reports appeared in the Press that the Government had resorted to the horrible expedient of feeding them by force by means of a tube passed into the stomach. Filled with concern the committee of the Women's Social and Political Union at once applied both to the prison and to the Home Office to know if this were true but all information was refused. The W. S. P. U. now made inquiries as to the probable results of this treatment, and were informed that it was liable to cause laceration of the throat and grave and permanent injury to the digestive functions, and that, especially if the patient should resist, as the tube was being inserted or withdrawn there was serious danger of its going astray and penetrating the lungs or some other vital part. The whole operation, together with all the attendant circumstances, could not fail to put a most excessive strain upon the heart and the entire nervous system, and, if there were any heart weakness, death might ensue at any moment. In the Lancet for September 28th, 1872, a case was reported of a man under sentence of death, who had been forcibly fed by means of the stomach pump, that is to say by means of an india-rubber tube passed through the mouth into the stomach, the method used in the case of the Suffragettes. The man had died. In the same issue of the Lancet, appeared the opinion upon this question of several prominent medical men. Dr. Anderson Moxey, M.D,, M.R.C.P., had said: " If anyone were to ask me to name the worst possible treatment for suicidal starvation I should say unhesitatingly, forcible feeding by means of the stomach pump." Dr. Tennant stated that this method of feeding produced " an incentive to resistance," and that the exhaustion thereby introduced was sometimes so great as to cause death by syncope. Dr. Russell had met with a case in which death had occurred immediately after the placing of the tube " before it could be withdrawn, much less used " ; and Dr. Conolly was " appalled by the dangers resulting from the forcible administration of food by the mouth." Amongst the various important medical experts consulted by The Women's Social and Political Union was Dr. Forbes Winslow, whose wide experience in cases of insanity could not be questioned. When asked professionally to give his views on the subject he said: So far as the stomach pump is concerned it is an instrument I have long ago discontinued using, even in the most serious cases of melancholia, where the victim, perhaps from some religious delusion, refuses all nourishment. It possibly may be regarde by some as the most simple means of administering food, but this I challenge by saying at once that it is the most complicated and the most dangerous. . . . I have known some of the most serious injuries inflicted by the persistent use of the stomach pump. I have known a case in which the tongue has been partly bitten off where it had been twisted behind the feeding tube. He added that forcible feeding was especially dangerous in cases of heart and lung weakness or of rupture or hernia, and that the result of persistent use would be to seriously injure the constitution, to lacerate the parts surrounding the mouth, to break and ruin the teeth."

- Force-feeding

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"When the House of Commons met on Monday we learnt that our fears were only too well founded for Mr. Keir Hardie drew from Mr. Masterman who spoke on the Home Secretary’s behalf, the admission that the Suffragettes in Wison Green Gaol were being forcibly fed by means of a tube which pas passed through the mouth and into the stomach and through which the food was pumped. The unprecedented and outrageous nature of the assault was glossed over by the use of the term, “Hospital treatment,” in connection with it. Mr. Masterman admitted, however, that there were no regulations which authorized the proceeding, but he stated that it was resorted to in the case of men and women prisoners who were “weak minded” or “contumacious”. Mr. Hardie’s indignant protest and reminder that the last man prisoner to whom such treatment had been meted out had died under it, were met with shouts of laughter by the supporters of the Government. Horrified by their heartless and unseemly levity in the face of so serious a question, he at once addressed a statement to the Press in which he declared that he " could not have believed that a body of gentlemen could have found reason for mirth and applause " in a scene which had " no parallel in the recent history of our country." As far as he could learn, no power to feed by force had been given to prison authorities, save in the case of persons certified to be insane. He concluded by warning the public of the danger that one of the prisoners would succumb to the so-called "hospital treatment," and by appealing to the people of these islands to speak out ere our annals had been stained by such a tragedy. Others hastened to second this protest. Mr. C. Mansell-MouUin, M.D., F.R.C.S., wrote to The Times, as a hospital surgeon of thirty years' standing, to indignantly repudiate Mr. Masterman's use of the term " hospital treatment," declaring that it was a " foul libel " for that " violence and brutality have no place in hospitals as Mr. Masterman ought to know." Dr. Forbes Ross of Harley Street wrote to the Press saying: As a medical man, without any particular feeling for the cause of the Suffragettes, I consider that forcible feeding by the methods employed is an act of brutality beyond common endurance, and I am astounded that it is possible for Members of Parliament, with mothers, wives and sisters of their own, to allow it. A memorial signed by ii6 doctors, headed by Sir Victor Horsley, F.R.C.S., W. Hugh Fenton, M.D. M.A., C. Mansell-MouUin, M.D., F.R.C.S., Forbes Winslow, M.D., and Alexander Haig, M.D., F.R.C.P., was organised by Dr. Flora Murray and addressed to Mr. Asquith, protesting against the artificial feeding of the Suffragette prisoners, on the ground that it was attended by the gravest risks and was both unwise and inhuman. To this memorial many of the doctors added descriptive notes of their own. Mr. W. A. Davidson, M.D., F.R.C.S., wrote: " A most cruel and brutal procedure. Were the tubes clean? Were they new? If not they have probably been used for people suffering from some disease. The inside of the tube cannot well be cleaned; very often the trouble is not taken to clean them." In spite of every form of discouragement and ridicule, Mr. Keir Hardie continued constantly to raise the question of forcible feeding in the House of Commons only to be met by evasive, and sometimes grossly, inaccurate replies from the Home Office. Mr. Gladstone tried to shelter himself behind the officials who were his subordinates, and to place the responsibility on the medical officers. For this he was strongly condemned by the British Medical Journal which characterised his conduct as contemptible.*"

- Force-feeding

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"Early histories of the suffrage movement present a more sympathetic picture of prison life than many subsequent accounts. Metcalfe, for example, writing in 1917, speaks of the “scenes of horror which had taken place in Holloway and other prisons ... in the unavailing effort to govern women against their consent”. However, it is the history written by the constitutional suffragist, Ray Strachey, a member of the NUWSS and hostile to the WSPU, that became the influential text. Strachey blames the WSPU women themselves for the treatment they received... Unwilling to acknowledge the hunger strike as a political tool, Strachey comments how the suffragettes, once in prison, ceased to be militant and created a number of protests including the refusal to eat food. “Forcible feeding was tried in vain”, she continues; “the prisoners struggled so violently against it that the process became actually dangerous, and the prison officials were obliged to let them starve till they came to the edge of physical collapse, and then to let them go”. In spite of the severe pain and damage to health which the process involved, “scores of suffragettes adopted it ... The officials tried everything they could think of in vain ...”. This picture of irrational women, deliberately seeking their own torture was eagerly seized upon by male historians who sought to ridicule the WSPU and its politics. George Dangerfield’s The Strange Death of Liberal England, first published in 1935, discusses the suffragette movement as... a form of “pre-war lesbianism” of “daring ladies”... Dangerfield too presents the suffragettes as fanatical women who chose the hardships of prison life in a sado-masochistic way ... “How can one avoid the thought”, he questions, “that they sought these sufferings with an enraptured, a positively unhealthy pleasure?” If the victim does not resist, “forcible feeding is no more than extremely unpleasant. But the suffragettes were determined to resist”. In view of the fact that Dangerfield’s account contained no footnotes whatsoever to primary sources to support his claims, it is incredulous that his analysis was received so enthusiastically and became so influential. The Times and Tribune, for example, hailed it as “brilliant”... Thus the scene of the drama is set and the props are changed only with slight variations. Roger Fulford in 1957... mocked their prison experiences, claiming that solitary confinement in prison was “not always unwelcome to adults”. Furthermore, although “forcible feeding is a disgusting topic ... it was not dangerous ... [It] is of course a familiar form of treatment in lunatic asylums”. While Andrew Rosen is much more sympathetic to the women prisoners, he too, in a matter of fact way speaks of how forcible feeding involved mouths being prised open, lacerations, phlegm, vomiting, pain in various organs, loss of weight “and so on”..."

- Force-feeding

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"Hunger striking and force feeding were acts committed by, and on, individuals in their own cells. Whether force fed by a cup, tube through the nostril (the most common method) or tube down the throat into the stomach (the most painful), the individual suffragette struggled on her own and often feared damage to the mind or body. Kitty Marion’s screaming in prison greatly upset the other women, but she found it was the only way she could fight against the torture of forcible feeding and remain sane. Rachel Peace, an embroideress, who had already experienced several nervous breakdowns, was not so fortunate. During a period of prolonged hunger striking and forcible feeding three times a day she feared, “I should go mad ... Old distressing symptoms have re-appeared. I have frightful dreams and am struggling with mad people half the night”. Her fears became true when she “lost her reason in prison” and spent the rest of her life in and out of asylums, with Lady Constance Lytton, an upper-middle-class WSPU worker, maintaining her. The forcible feeding of the disabled May Billinghurst in Holloway in January 1913 brought a particular wave of revulsion since she was “small, frail, and ha[d] been a cripple all her life”. Paralysed as a child and confined to a tricycle for mobility, she told how the three doctors and five wardresses who held her down: “forced a tube up my nostril; it was frightful agony, as my nostril is small. I coughed it up so that it didn’t go down my throat. They then were going to try the other nostril, which, I believe is a little deformed. They forced my mouth open with an iron instrument, and poured some food into my mouth. They pinched my nose and throat to make me swallow”. After 10 days of “almost incredible suffering”, when she was fed three times every 24 hours, she was released “a physical wreck”. Margaret Thompson, in prison in 1912, had a facial disability, resulting from a car accident; after examining her face to see if it was “fit” for forcible feeding, the doctor decided she should be fed by the cup rather than the tube. Miss McCrae, in prison at the same time, thought she too should take food through the cup, on account of her deafness, although she feared the other women would scorn her for doing so. For women with disabilities such as those mentioned here, imprisonment and forcible feeding were particular acts of courage."

- Force-feeding

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"For many of these women, the worst feature of prison life was the ‘public’ violation of their bodies when being forcibly fed. Helen Gordon Liddle hated the lack of privacy when enduring the pain of forced feeding. Nell Hall spoke of the “frightful indignity” of it all. For Sylvia Pankhurst, the sense of degradation endured was worse than the pain of sore and bleeding gums, with bits of loose jagged flesh, the agony of coughing up the tube three or four times before it was successfully inserted, the bruising of her shoulders and the aching of her back. Sometimes, when the struggle was over, or even in the heat of it, she felt as though she was broken up into many different selves, of which one, aloof and calm, surveyed all the misery, and one, ruthless and unswerving, forced the weak, shrinking body to its ordeal. Although the word ‘rape’ is not used in the personal accounts of force fed victims, the instrumental invasion of the body, accompanied by overpowering physical force, great suffering and humiliation was akin to it, especially so for women fed through the rectum or vagina. 'Janet Arthur’, later identified as Fanny Parker, in Perth prison in 1914, was one such victim: Thursday morning, 16th July ... the three wardresses appeared again. One of them said that if I did not resist, she would send the others away and do what she had come to do as gently and as decently as possible. I consented. This was another attempt to feed me by the rectum, and was done in a cruel way, causing me great pain. She returned some time later and said she had ‘something else’ to do. I took it to be another attempt to feed me in the same way, but it proved to be a grosser and more indecent outrage, which could have been done for no other purpose than torture. It was followed by soreness, which lasted for several days. When released, a medical examination revealed swelling and rawness in the genital region. The knowledge that new tubes were not always available and that used tubes may have been previously inflicted on diseased persons and the mentally ill or be dirty inside the tube, issues that had been openly discussed in Votes for Women, undoubtedly added to the feelings of abuse, dirtiness and indecency that the women felt."

- Force-feeding

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"To this day, the Turkish government refuses to acknowledge the Armenian genocide. This is strange, since the historical evidence of what happened is plentiful. Western observers like the US ambassador in Constantinople, Henry Morgenthau, wrote detailed reports about what was being done - including the telling statement of Mehmed Talaat Pasha, the Interior Minister, that all the Armenians had to perish because 'those who were innocent today might be guilty tomorrow'. Western missionaries too wrote harrowing accounts of what they witnessed. Their testimony formed an important part of the wartime report on 'The Treatment of the Armenians' compiled by Viscount Bryce, who had also investigated the German atrocities in Belgium in 1914. It might conceivably be argued that the citizens of Christian powers already - or later to be - hostile to the Turks had an interest in misrepresenting them. The Young Turks themselves insisted that they were merely retaliating against a pro-Russian fifth column. That was also the line taken by the Sultan in his reply to Pope Benedict XV's intercession on behalf of the Armenians. Yet agents of the Turks' own wartime allies gave the lie to these claims. Rafael de Nogales, a South American mercenary who served as Inspector General of the Turkish forces in Armenia, reported that the Governor-General of the province had ordered the local authorities in Adil Javus 'to exterminate all Armenian males of twelve years of age and over'. A German schoolteacher at Aleppo was appalled by what he saw of the 'extermination of the Armenian nation' and wrote urging his own government to 'put a stop to the brutality'."

- Genocide denial

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"In Ida's shady vale a bull appeared, White as the snow, the fairest of the herd; A beauty spot of black there only rose, Betwixt his equal horns and ample brows; The love and wish of all the Cretan cows. The queen beheld him as his head he rear'd; And envied ev'ry leap he gave the herd. A secret fire she nourished in her breast; And hated ev'ry heifer he caress'd. A story known, and known for true, I tell; Nor Crete, though lying, can the truth conceal. She cut him grass (so much can love command) She strok'd, she fed him with her royal hand; Was pleas'd in pastures with the herd to roam, And Minos by the bull was overcome. Cease, Queen, with gems t'adorn thy beauteous brows, The monarch of thy heart no jewel knows. Nor in thy glass compose thy looks and eyes; Secure from all thy charms thy lover lies: Yet trust thy mirror, when it tells thee true, Thou art no heifer to allure his view. Soon wouldst thou quit thy royal diadem To thy fair rivals; to be horned like them. If Minos please, no lover seek to find; If not, at least seek one of human kind. The wretched queen the Cretan court forsakes; In woods and wilds her habitation makes; She curses ev'ry beauteous cow she sees; “Ah, why dost thou my lord and master please! And think'st, ungrateful creature as thou art, With frisking awkardly to gain his heart.” She said; and straight commands with frowning look, To put her, undeserving, to the yoke. Or feigns some holy rites of sacrifice, And sees her rival's death with joyful eyes; Then when the bloody priest has done his part, Pleas'd, in her hand she holds the beating heart; Nor from a scornful taunt can scarce refrain, Go, fool, and strive to please my love again.” Now she would be Europa.—Io now; (One bare a bull, and one was made a cow.) Yet she at last her brutal bliss obtain'd, And in a wooden cow the bull sustained; Fill'd with his seed, accomplish'd her desire, Till, by his form, the son betray'd the sire."

- Bestiality

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"With the publication of these two reports, and become the first... Israeli organizations to state... based on meticulous documentation and research: Israel is committing genocide... This is another milestone in the human rights community’s efforts to hold Israeli authorities accountable for their crimes... Amid... efforts by the Israeli government to crack down on... human rights organizations, such publications demanded courage and unyielding commitment... Their findings must be heeded... and translated into action to... dismantle... apartheid against all Palestinians whose rights Israel controls. ...B’Tselem’s report builds on... work undertaken for decades to document Israel’s crimes... and demonstrate the cloak of that has sheltered Israeli authorities from accountability. The report’s findings... are... damning and illustrate the importance... to stop Israel’s genocide with... demands to end its unlawful occupation... and dismantle its system of apartheid. ...The publication... coincides with... the UN conference on Palestine in New York. Their... findings add to the... call for... states to recognize Israel’s action... for what it is: genocide. States... must take urgent and effective measures to end Israel’s impunity for its human rights violations against Palestinians and stop its genocide, apartheid and unlawful occupation. Palestinians have... suffered irreversible harm; the horrors... will require generations to recover... States must not miss yet another opportunity to change course, restore... faith in international law and enable Palestinians to begin their recovery..."

- Our Genecide (B'Tselem)

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