Italian Trade Unionists

"(About the entry of Italy in the European Union) Who can forget ‘the line of sacrifice’? I have always thought that it was more disastrous for the movement than the historic compromise itself. It was suicide. Lama may not admit it, but that was a gift that Confindustria could not even have dreamed of."

"The talented and loyal communist secretary of the CGIL trade union, Luciano Lama, made a mistake when he tried to enter the University of Rome protected by his security detail on 17 February 1977, which inevitably looked like a foreign invasion. But it was not the extreme slogans of madness and violence shouted at him by the Roman Autonomists that defeated him. What defeated him, proving beyond doubt that he was the wrong man in the wrong place, was the slogan scrawled on the university walls by the metropolitan Indians: ‘The Lamas belong in Tibet’. It was not force that forced Lama to give up, but irony."

"Luciano Lama was secretary general of the CGIL trade union at a time when terrorism was a particularly aggressive cancer in Italian society. He had the merit and great courage – together with others – to take the CGIL against political violence and terrorism. He was a true moral authority in this country, a role that – ungenerously – was not fully recognised."

"Luciano Lama had a great mentor in Di Vittorio: accompanying him on his numerous trips, he got to know the reality of southern Italy and understood the importance of direct contact with the masses."

"For Luciano Lama, negotiation was at the heart of the trade unionist's job. Sometimes Carniti, then general secretary of the CISL, and I were more inclined to break off negotiations. He would say to us: ‘Breaking off is easy, rebuilding is much more complicated. We must always negotiate. Even if an entrepreneur comes to you and offers you your wife in exchange, as a trade unionist, you must reply: let's discuss it’. A paradox, of course."

"[...] comics, perhaps out of snobbery, literary superficiality or simple indifference, are always considered second-rate, a pastime for the masses, a poor art form and therefore too often mistreated. Well, I repeat, for me this is a mistaken judgement. Example: Dino Battaglia interpreted great classics from Melville to Maupassant to Rabelais, and his work was truly a unanimously recognised masterpiece, a magnificent work."

"We must be extremely rigorous in prosecuting crimes, and equally rigorous in not allowing crimes to be exploited."

"(On the footballers' protest) You can't idolise a champion on Sunday because he wins your team a match and then forget that maybe the night before he was found drunk and fighting, and then when he and his teammates try to defend the rights of the whole profession, especially the weaker and less wealthy players, they are told they can't because they are rich and spoiled. I would have understood if they had asked for more money, but for the first time they are fighting for rights, not for material reasons: this is something new and should be admired."

"Stefano Rodotà is a high-profile candidate who is well placed to represent the country at European and international level. The work and rights that give him dignity, the value of citizenship and the foundations of the Constitution have always been an important part of his culture."

"When peace is threatened, it must be defended. The invader must be stopped. In Ukraine, there is a violent, destructive invasion of a defenceless population. Therefore, we must use all the tools that the situation calls for: diplomatic action, economic and financial sanctions against the invader. At the same time, we must help those under attack with relief measures and by strengthening their ability to defend themselves, including through military aid and the supply of weapons."

"It is one thing to reject war, because you do not promote it, encourage it or justify it, but here war is happening: Putin is waging it. We must help those under attack in every way possible, with political and military means. And this is a story we know well. Why do we not look to our past? Would we ever have freed ourselves from the Nazis and the Fascists without the use of arms? Didn't those who helped us in those years also do so with military means? I want peace. I believe in the absolute value of peace and democracy, but when it is under attack, it must be defended by any means necessary. If we do not distinguish between aggressors and the attacked, we risk making wrong and ideologically twisted choices."

"Interviewer: ‘Wasn't it a mistake [...] to claim that Biagi collaborated with both the government and Confindustria?’ Cofferati: In claiming, as I did, that there is collusion between Confindustria and the centre-right government, I expressed a political opinion. Nothing more and nothing less, nothing to do with individuals or relationships with individuals. I was and still am convinced of this. And what I said about Professor Biagi was simply an objective fact: he was the coordinator of the group that drafted the ‘White Paper’ and was also a collaborator of Confindustria. The professor's death affected me deeply; I am not affected by accusations that I consider completely unfounded. I never considered Biagi an adversary: he was a valuable expert."

"Even with the murders of Ruffilli, Tarantelli and D'Antona, terrorist madness sought to strike scholars and intellectuals in the service of the state. But this time, Biagi was killed while the confrontation and negotiations in which he was participating in an authoritative capacity were underway. This is a targeted attack on social cohesion policies, but also on the very mechanism by which social dialogue takes place. It is intended to influence the social partners involved in the negotiations. This is another reason why it is important to remain as firm as ever in the fight against terrorism, but also to have the intelligence to quickly restore social dialogue. In its physiological, natural forms: negotiation, the possibility of reaching agreements, or moving on to conflict and struggle if there is disagreement. Terrorism cannot dictate the timing, the merits or the dynamics of the debate. I think it is entirely understandable that the government should confirm its intentions on Article 18. It is equally essential that the trade unions do the same, with a critical assessment of the government's proposals and with struggle and conflict. [...] It is all perfectly normal and natural. There was a confrontation with the government that did not have a positive outcome, there was a breakdown, and the trade unions asserted their reasons with this initiative. Terrorism wants to prevent this natural process. And all those who support this attempt, more or less unconsciously, are making a serious mistake."

"[...] for the first time, an executive has proposed changes to the rights system, with an economic and social policy that is explicitly hostile to the ideas and proposals of the trade unions. Article 18 has become the symbolic reference point for all this. There is conflict, but there is nothing more ‘orderly’ than the struggles that CGIL-CISL-UIL have waged in recent months. When people talk about a ‘climate of hatred’ – referring to the trade unions – they are making statements that are out of place and have no basis in the reality of Italian society. Some attacks are not only unfounded, but literally disgraceful."

"Interviewer: The CGIL and its secretary are accused of having political motives. Of wanting to ally themselves with judges and the ‘girotondi’ (protesters). Cofferati: These are unacceptable accusations. I contest choices that I believe to be wrong on their merits; they continue to say that the CGIL is not doing its job as a trade union, that we have a political strategy. The right to criticise cannot be demonised. And there is a misguided underestimation of the role of social representative organisations. The government has a duty to pursue its objectives, but it must know that if part of the social representation does not share these objectives, a break and then conflict are inevitable. I would never dream of contesting their legitimacy to govern, but they cannot contest the legitimacy of my right to oppose them with the rules of democracy and a practice established over many decades."

"I consider this accusation not only unfounded but also offensive to this organisation and its history. The Italian trade union is an enemy of terrorists and is considered by them, not surprisingly, as one of the targets to be explicitly fought. The reason is easy to understand for those who want to see it. The CGIL, and other trade union and social organisations, fought to eradicate terrorism from Italian society, even when terrorism was strongest and most deeply rooted in society. When it tried to penetrate the world of work to gain cover and influence behaviour. It would not have been defeated in the 1970s and 1980s if there had not been a clear and unhesitating decision by the trade union to confront terrorism and violence head-on."

"Luciano Lama was secretary general of the CGIL trade union at a time when terrorism was a particularly aggressive cancer in Italian society. He had the merit and great courage – together with others – to take the CGIL against political violence and terrorism. He was a true moral authority in this country, a role that, unfairly, was not fully recognised."

"Stefano Rodotà is a high-profile candidate who is well placed to represent the country at European and international level. Work and the rights that give it dignity, the value of citizenship and the foundations of the Constitution have always been an important part of his culture."

"This government does not merely want to break up the trade union movement, it wants to change its very nature. It began by saying that the CGIL is not a trade union but a political force: ridiculous!"

"(On the Renzi government) I think it is a centre-left government that produces policies that are unacceptable to some of its voters."

"While political representation is becoming increasingly rare because parties are becoming lighter, even fluid, according to some, resorting to the streets on major issues is becoming almost a necessary outlet for voters who no longer have places and tools through which to express their opinions. Interviewer: You mean that without mass parties, the only option left is the streets? Cofferati: The streets become the main place where people can express their ideas. Interviewer: But isn't there a risk that protest will have no effect? That it will become a mere outlet? Cofferati: That wouldn't be a bad thing or a cause for concern. A demonstration can also bring about change."

"[...] without places and subjects of mediation, conflict increases. The stronger the trade unions, the less conflict there is. The more deeply rooted a party is, the better it manages its relationship with the electorate."

"[...] the devastation of the headquarters of Italy's most important trade union is seen by workers and people as a tearing apart of their identity, of who they are, of their values. It is a deep wound, not defined by the extent of the damage, which is irrelevant. Wanting to deface a historic organisation such as the CGIL means crossing the threshold of alarm."

"Cofferati didn't do what he was supposed to do. I had even bet the newspaper on him. He was the new leader of the left and he backed out. He disappointed millions of people."

"It was impossible to socialise or joke with him. Cofferati is the trade unionist with whom I have had the most difficult personal relationship. [...] In truth, he immediately withdrew from the national competition. He chose not to be defeated and to start over."

"I am very fond of Sergio Cofferati. He is the Italian trade unionist with whom I felt most in tune when I was a minister. [...] He is contradictory, he has not been consistent with what he thought and what I believe he still thinks."

"If Cofferati had continued with reformism, he probably would not have brought three million people onto the streets, but he would have positioned himself as a point of reference for broader political alliances."

"Interviewer: 'What do you think when they accuse you of wanting to strike against Marco Biagi's ideas? Cofferati: I don't think anything. It's a statement that offends me."

"The government must answer; we are the ones who pay taxes and work. The Prime Minister should say something instead of spouting bullshit slogans! They must apologise, because we pay taxes for them too. They must understand that this country exists thanks to the people who work."

"(About the Renzi government) Renzi must acknowledge that he does not have the support of honest people, workers and those seeking employment."

"The government [Renzi government] and Confindustria just want to turn work into a commodity, as it was in the 19th century."

"We are at risk of fascism in Italy and we have a government that considers the arrival of migrants to be the greatest threat, while more and more of our young people are forced to emigrate to find work."

"The historical, political and partisan reasons that led to the division between Italian trade unions no longer exist. Today, we can start a new process of unity between CGIL, CISL and UIL."

"It is unthinkable that someone in our country could unfurl a banner reading ‘Honour to Benito Mussolini’ without anyone intervening. There is collusion, connivance, the idea that things that go against our Constitution can be done with impunity."

"If you want to respect the Constitution, you must not close the ports, but rather the headquarters of Casapound and prevent groups that promote fascism from forming."

"The attack on the headquarters of the CGIL trade union is an act of fascist violence. It is a genuine attack on democracy and the entire world of work, which we intend to reject with force. No one should think of returning our country to the twenty years of fascism."

"We have no other tool than to ask people to take to the streets with us and fight [...] I believe that the time has come for a real social uprising because we cannot go on like this."

"We want to turn this country upside down, and to do so we need everyone's participation. For us, social revolt means that none of us should turn a blind eye to injustice. On the contrary, we must spread the idea that my problem is everyone's problem and that only by working together can we change this situation. It is a day of mobilisation the likes of which we have not seen in a long time. Today marks the beginning of a process of mobilisation to turn this country upside down [...] It seems clear to me that there has been an explicit attempt to undermine this right. Among other things, a decree is being debated in Parliament, known as the security decree, and we are calling for it to be withdrawn, as it seeks to make strikes, roadblocks and the occupation of factories when they close a criminal offence. It is clear that we are facing a serious attempt at an authoritarian turn that calls into question the freedom to exist and the freedom of individuals."

"(At 16) There was no more money, so I went to the factory to be a welder. My dream? Playing soccer."

"For me, Landini's ideas are a step backwards, a reactionary act and ultimately the evil of the left."

"Salvini and Landini, in very different ways, are two television phenomena. But if politics has no connection with reality and ceases to be part of everyday life, it produces characters who are nothing more than talk show props."

"This is a despicable invention of Mussolini, Corridoni would never have been a fascist. He was too honest, courageous and loyal to put himself at the service of the landowners!"

"The bosses do not consider workers to be human beings; they consider them to be machines, automatons. But workers are not just any old tools; they cannot be hired or sold. Workers are human beings; they have their own personalities, their own self-respect, their own ideas, their own political opinions, their own religious beliefs, and they want these rights to be respected by everyone, and first and foremost by their owners."

"I am not, have never claimed to be, nor do I claim to be a representative of culture. However, I am representative of something. I believe I am representative of those deep layers of the humblest and poorest masses who aspire to culture, who strive to study and seek to attain that level of knowledge that will enable them not only to ensure their own elevation as individuals, develop their personalities, but also to achieve the status that gives the masses a higher sense of their social function and their national and human dignity. Culture not only frees these masses from the prejudices that come from ignorance and the limits it places on people's horizons: culture is also a tool for moving forward and helping the whole national society move forward, progress and rise."

"The Red Army firing on workers in a socialist country is unacceptable."

"I know the bitterness, the disappointments, the time that union activity sometimes requires, with results that are not entirely satisfactory. I know all this well, because I too have been a union activist: you know very well that I do not come from above, I come from below."

"[From the telegram of condolence to his wife] I join in the deep sorrow felt by you and by all those who, having known Giuseppe Di Vittorio as I did since the period of our joint efforts to rebuild the trade union movement, were attracted by his humanity and his passionate fervour in defending the working classes."

"As a teenager, Giuseppe Di Vittorio was still semi-literate. When he realised that it was impossible to assert his rights in those conditions, he got himself a dictionary."

"The dominant figure in Italian trade unionism after the war was Giuseppe Di Vittorio. The son of a semi-literate farm labourer from Puglia, he became involved in anarcho-syndicalism at a very young age. A soldier in the First World War, wounded at Monte Zebio, he later met Gramsci and Togliatti's Turin group and became one of the leaders of the Communist Party, following its turbulent and tortuous history, from the head-to-head struggle of the 1930s, with all its anti-socialist sectarianism, to the Spanish Civil War, the Popular Front and the Resistance. Like the other leaders of the PCI, Di Vittorio moved during these years from maximalist positions to possibilist and reformist positions, but always maintaining a relationship with real society, with its needs and hopes, and always preserving that respect for man that Stalinism had completely erased."

"Luciano Lama had a great mentor in Di Vittorio: accompanying him on his numerous trips, he got to know the reality of southern Italy and understood the importance of direct contact with the masses."