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April 10, 2026
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"The most important function in the Bush presidency was the spreading of fear."
"Jesus was always engaged in what âconservativesâ and XL people castigate as âclass warfare.â And the self-described Christians of XL are almost always on the side fighting against Jesus."
"âEconomic conservatives,â Kevin Phillips notes, âoften warm to sects in which a preoccupation with personal salvation turns lower-income persons away from distracting visions of economic and social reform.â"
"That is the essence of ChristianityLite. Its standard for what to take literally from a putatively inerrant Bible boils down to this: Anything that doesnât seem too difficult is to be taken literally. The rest of it? Give me a break! All that stuff about turning the other cheek and loving our enemies and being nonviolent and helping the poorâsome damned liberal subversive must have sort of, like, infiltrated that stuff into the Bible, you know?"
"Of all the multitude of threats in the world today, the greatest peril comes from religious fanatics who believe that a violent, vindictive god is on their side."
"They are so certain that they know Godâs mind because they equate their own minds with that of God."
"Much as the Nazis created an âAryan Jesusâ because the real Semitic Jesus was not to their liking, the Lite Christians have created an American Jesus or a Muscular Jesus or a Consumerist Jesus because they donât like the real nonviolent/turn-the-other-cheek/love-your-enemy/meek-shall-inherit-the-earth/easier-for-a-camel-to-go-through-the-eye-of-a-needle-than-for-a-rich-man-to-enter-heaven/drive-the-moneychangers-from-the-temple Jesus. They simply re-create Jesus in their own image."
"Jesusâ strong declaration against divorce notwithstanding, marriages in the United States break up at a greater rate (more than 50 percent) than they do in secular Europe (around 40 percent). Divorce rates within the United States are higher in the so-called âred states,â which usually vote Republican and have a higher percentage of Lites in their populations, than they are in the âblue states,â where Xians generally comprise a smaller percentage of the population."
"A wonderful archbishop of Canterbury once said that it is a mistake to believe that God is chiefly, or even mainly, concerned with religion."
"It would be easy to argue on the basis of the teachings of Jesus that âChristian capitalistâ is an oxymoron."
"Here is the fundamental message of the fun-damentalists: Say âJesusâ and then you donât have to do Jesus."
"America is simultaneously the most professedly Christian of the developed nations and the least Christian in its behavior."
"News Flash: Self-indulgence is not what Jesus taught."
"Science follows evidence; political science follows opinion; religious science follows myth and is therefore no science at all."
"Actually, though, there is an all-out war on Christianity under way. Its generals includeâin addition to Coulter and, prior to his dishonorable discharge from the Army of ChristianityLite, Haggard, and, until his death, Jerry FalwellâPat Robertson, James Dobson, and the whole Unheavenly Host of televangelists and megachurch moneychangers posing as preachers who have expropriated the moral assets of Jesus and turned them to their own purposes and their own profit. They never met a dollar they didnât like. They prefer profits to prophecy and pretend that Jesus did, too. They favor the rich over the poor and invert Jesus to contend that he did, too. They favor war over peace and lie by saying that Jesus did, too. Thus do they make war on Jesus while disingenuously complaining that others are making war on Christianity."
"Both the Christian Right and the Muslim Right condemn freedom, seek to impose rules from their highly selective reading of their holy book on everyone, believe in theocracy, want to keep women subordinated, generally oppose the modern world, believe killing âinfidelsâ is part of Godâs planâthe list of agreement goes on and on. About the only things they disagree on are what name to call the God they distort and who the infidels are."
"Those who promote this âno faith at allâ do not follow Jesus; they lead him around in directions they want to go, using him as an advertisement for their political, social, and cultural agendas, which generally run counter to his. The âChristianâ Right has reduced Jesus to the ultimate celebrity endorsement."
"The sea is selective, slow at recognition of effort and aptitude but fast in sinking the unfit."
"Thus, the concept of martyrdom developed differently in Islam than it did in either Judaism or Christianity. Martyrdom in Islam has a much more active sense: the prospective martyr is called to seek out situations in which martyrdom might be achieved. For example, in Abdallah b. al- Mubarakâs Kitab al-jihad, we find Nawf al-Bikali praying: âO, God! Make my wife a widow, make my child an orphan, and ennoble Nawf with martyrdom!â"
"The problem with Gilleyâs case for colonialism is the lack of rigor, his inability or unwillingness to vigorously and transparently challenge his own beliefs, his own values and his own fears â in a word, his perspective."
"He must be treated with utter disgust, with unsurpassed revulsion. He must be ostracized, publicly shamed and humiliated."
"The overwhelming consensus among our colleagues who are experts in history and political science that Gilleyâs research is not merely unpopular but rather discredited."
"After I failed to win consideration for inclusion in the special issue, the Third World Quarterly editor Shahid Qadir sent my article for normal peer review. It received one positive and one negative review. Qadir, as was his prerogative, decided to run it but as a âviewpointâ rather than âresearchâ article, with my consent."
"Research that is careful in conceptualizing and measuring controls, that establishes a feasible counterfactual, that includes multiple dimensions of costs and benefits weighted in some justified way, and that adheres to basic epistemic virtues often finds that at least some if not many or most episodes of Western colonialism were a net benefit, as the literature review by Juan and Pierskalla shows. Such works have found evidence for significant social, economic, and political gains under colonialism: expanded education, improved public health, the abolition of slavery, widened employment opportunities, improved administration, the creation of basic infrastructure, female rights, enfranchisement of untouchable or historically excluded communities, fair taxation, access to capital, the generation of historical and cultural knowledge, and national identify formation, to mention just a few dimensions."
"Eminent scholars repeatedly make the logically contradictory claim that colonialism was both too disruptive and not disruptive enough."
"Of course colonial governance can only return with the consent of the country in question. The nationalist leaders in developing countries are probably not eager to see this happen. But the people- given those decades of âanti-colonial disasterâ- possibly are."
"Any claim aboutâŚthe level of colonial violence, requires not just assumptions about the scale of violence that would have occurred absent colonial rule but also a careful measure of that violence relative to the population, security threat, and security resources in a given territory. One is hard-pressed, to take a prominent example, to find a single example of such care in measurement in the vast critical cholarship on the British counter-insurgency campaign against the Mau in Kenya from 1952 to 1960âŚAt the very least, it is incumbent on scholars to show that the brutalities unleashed by the British in this campaign were not the likely result of a proportionate response given the context and scale of the threat. If this supposedly solid case is wobbly, what does it tell us about the lesser âviolenceâ often cited as invalidating colonialism?"
"The rubber quotas imposed on natives in this 15 percent of the territory were enforced by native soldiers working for the companies or for the EIC itself. In many areas, the rubber came with ease and the natives prospered. The rubber station at Irengi, for instance, was known for its bulging stores and hospitable locals, whose women spent a lot of time making bracelets and where âno one ever misses a meal,â noted the EIC soldier George Bricusse in his memoirs. Elsewhere, however, absent direct supervision, and with the difficulties of meeting quotas greater, some native soldiers engaged in abusive behavior to force the collection. Bricusse noted these areas as well, especially where locals had sabotaged rubber stations and then fled to the French Congo to the north. In rare cases, native soldiers kidnapped women or killed men to exact revenge. When they fell into skirmishes, they sometimes followed long-standing Arab and African traditions by cutting off the hands or feet of the fallen as trophies, or to show that the bullets they fired had been used in battle. How many locals died in these frays is unclear, but the confirmed cases might put the figure at about 10,000, a terrible number."
"One main challenge of this research is to properly enumerate the things that matter and then to assign them weights, weights that presumably varied with time and place."
"Even taking Sandersonâs pessimistic estimate as correct, does this mean that LĂŠopoldâs rule âkilledâ 500,000 people? Of course not, because, in addition to the misplaced personalization of long-term population changes, the rubber regions, as mentioned, experienced both population increases and declines. Even in the latter, such as the rubber-producing Bolobo area in the lower reaches of the Congo river, population decline was a result of the brutalities of freelance native chiefs and ended with the arrival of an EIC officer. More generally, the stability and enforced peace of the EIC caused birth rates to rise near EIC centers, such as at the Catholic mission under EIC protection at Baudouinville (todayâs Kirungu). Population declines were in areas outside of effective EIC control. The modest population gains caused by EIC interventions were overwhelmed by a range of wholly separate factors, which in order of importance were: the slave trade, sleeping sickness, inter-tribal warfare, other endemic diseases (smallpox, beriberi, influenza, yellow fever, pneumonia, dysentery, tuberculosis, typhoid fever, and venereal disease), cannibalism, and human sacrifice."
"Millions of people moved closer to areas of more intensive colonial rule, sent their children to colonial schools and hospitals, went beyond the call of duty in positions in colonial governments, reported crimes to colonial police, migrated from non-colonized to colonized areas, fought for colonial armies, and participated in colonial political processes â all relatively voluntary acts. Indeed, the rapid spread and persistence of Western colonialism with very little force relative to the populations and areas concerned is prima facie evidence of its acceptance by subject populations compared to the feasible alternatives... In most colonial areas, subject peoples either faced grave security threats from rival groups or they saw the benefits of being governed by a modernized and liberal state."
"At least in the initial phases, legitimacy will be demonstrated not by the holding of a plebiscite or by the support of organized and broadly representative groups but simply by the ability of the intervening state to win compliance from key actors and get the job done."
"Belgium had no prior history in the slave trade, nor of African slaves. LĂŠopold could fight against slavery without any hint of hypocrisy, even of the ahistorical type advanced by Hochschild. And it was slavery, not rubber operations, that contemporary observers viewed as the biggest threat to the people of the Congo."
"Not only should we not accept Gilleyâs general pro-colonial explanation of the poor performance of many post-colonial African nations since he provides us with no good reason to do so, we do have good reason to believe that their poor performance is a legacy of their colonial subjection."
"Congo reformers like Morel, much to the annoyance of Hochschild, advocated either German or British colonization of the area (Congo). Morelâs view, according to Hochschild, speaking ex cathedra from the hallowed seat of modern California, âseems surprising to us todayâ and was among his âfaultsâ and âpolitical limitations.â Quite the opposite. The moment the Belgians colonized the Congo in 1908, a miraculous improvement was noted on all fronts. Seeking to debunk colonialism, Hochschildâs book demonstrates the opposite. This is the first and biggest lie at the heart of King Leopoldâs Ghost."
"Whatever we think about Gilleyâs article, then, the idea that colonialism can be summarized by reference to a gruesome picture of a Congolese peasant, a trite âwhat if it happened to youâ scenario, and the cheap trick of its âtantamount toâ holocaust denial is absurd."
"By 1891, six years into the attempt to build the EIC, the whole project was on the verge of bankruptcy. It would have been easy for LĂŠopold to raise revenues by sanctioning imports of liquor that could be taxed or by levying fees on the number of huts in each village, both of which would have caused harm to the native population. A truly âgreedyâ king, as Hochschild repeatedly calls him, had many fiscal options that LĂŠopold did not exercise."
"Let us note finally that on this issue, Audreyâs book is representative of a wider concern to whitewash Aurangzeb. In their all-out war on Hinduism and specific Hindu ideas, the South Asia scholars tend to practise Groupthink; there is rarely anything original, they only outdo each other in how daring they can make their own articulation of ever the same position.... To sum up, the presently-discussed thesis by Audrey Truschke comes to add to the numbers of what formally look like studies in history, but effectively are meant as strikes in the ongoing battle against self-respecting Hinduism."
"The political power equation that facilitates the partisan anti-scholarly conduct of your camp will not last forever. One day it will become feasible to do academic research on the strange phenomenon that an entire academic and mediatic guild has systematically disinformed the public about the communal situation in India, consistently for decades. Your own whitewash of Aurangzeb will serve as a significant piece of evidence."
"Audrey Truschke has engaged in what would in any other context be called genocide denial and Holocaust revisionism. But because her hatred is against Hindus, Rutgers doesn't care. It's a flagrant and vile "standard"."
"Shivajiâs return to insurgency was devastating for the Mughals. Beginning in 1670 Shivaji plundered Surat and other places repeatedly."
"More dubiously, some have proposed that Aurangzebâs alleged austerity was a fatal flaw. For instance, Jadunath Sarkar, who did more scholarly work than anybody else in the twentieth century on Aurangzeb, put it thus in his dramatic style: â[in Aurangzebâs reign] the Mughal crescent rounded to fulness [sic] and then began to wane visibly.â Jadunath Sarkar spelled out his vision of Aurangzeb in his many books on the man, including the five-volume History of Aurangzib. The final tome begins, âThe life of Aurangzib was one long tragedy,âa story of man battling in vain against an invisible but inexorable Fate, a tale of how the strongest human endeavor was baffled by the forces of the age.â For Sarkar, Aurangzeb was a tragic figure."
"Modern historians estimate that 15 to 20 percent of Bengal's population died during the 1769-1770 famine, a starkly different outcome than after earlier failed harvests. For example, 1737 and 1738 witnessed poor harvests in Bengal, but the Mughals and local rulers helped alleviate conditions by buying grain, making loans, and permitting late revenue payments. In contrast, thirty years later, the British did none of those things and, in fact, still tried to collect revenue from starving farmers."
"Over the centuries, many commentators have spread the myth of the bigoted, evil Aurangzeb on the basis of shockingly thin evidence. Many false ideas still mar popular memory of Aurangzeb, including that he massacred millions of Hindus and destroyed thousands of temples. Neither of these commonly believed âfactsâ is supported by historical evidence, although some scholars have attempted, usually in bad faith, to provide an alleged basis for such tall tales. More common than bald-faced lies, however, have been biased interpretations of cherry-picked episodes selected with the unabashed goal of supporting a foregone rebuke of Aurangzeb."
"Thinking today about Sambhaji, a seventeenth-century Maratha ruler who, by the end of his life, had alienated many supporters through brutal and miscalculated tactics. Seems that those who honor him may honor his legacy too. #Sambhaji"
"The British oversaw - and contributed through inaction to - dozens of famines during two centuries of colonial rule, culminating in the 1943 famine (also in Bengal) that cost two millions Indian their lives."
"Aurangzeb, the sixth Mughal Emperor (r. 1658-1707), is perhaps the most despised of Indiaâs medieval Muslim rulers. People cite various alleged âfactsâ about Aurangzebâs reign to support their contemporary condemnation, few of which are true. For instance, contrary to widespread belief, Aurangzeb did not destroy thousands of Hindu temples. He did not perpetrate anything approximating a genocide of Hindus. He did not instigate a large-scale conversion program that offered millions of Hindu the choice of Islam or the sword."
"For anyone unfamiliar with these episodes, in Valmiki's telling (I'm loosely translating here): During the agnipariksha, Sita basically tells Rama he's a misogynist pig and uncouth. During the golden deer incident, Sita accuses Lakshmana of lusting after her and setting up Rama."
"If elites speak only to themselves, one reason for this is the absence of institutions that promote general conversation across class lines. Civic life requires settings in which people meet as equals, without regard to race, class, or national origins."
"Since the public no longer participates in debates on national issues, it has no reason to inform itself about civic affairs. It is the decay of public debate, not the school system (bad as it is), that makes the public ill informed, notwithstanding the wonders of the age of information. When debate becomes a lost art, information, even though it may be readily available, makes no impression."