First Quote Added
April 10, 2026
Latest Quote Added
"The Right Is Scared of the Protests. Defunding the police? Dethroning Confederate monuments? Whatās next, a better tomorrow?"
"Waiting for the next debt crisis."
"A NRA Debate Tips. Afraid of big government taking away your guns? Here are six arguments you can use to defend yourself."
"Running Out of Stuff to Do? Try Freaking Out. If you get through all of these suggestions, try doing them again!"
"As protests erupt across the country, the president hides behind a big, beautiful wall."
"There's clearly going to be some conflict between the worldview of a left-leaning, alternative press cartoonist and that of a wealthy New York real estate and publishing magnate."
"There were millions of people in the streets protesting the war, but no one listened to us. Itās really amazing how quickly it went from sugar to shit and so obvious... Right wing blogs used to write about their contribution to the war, which was, I guess, typing."
"My process for making comics for research is very different from fiction and creative nonfiction comics. I studied how groups of young children and graduate students drew together, used drawing to play and pretend together, and drew as a means of creating new knowledgeā¦"
"ā¦Iām curious about how my memories ā and other peopleās memories, too ā are tied to the senses, particularly touch. Memories triggered by engagement with one or more of the five senses can conjure up transformative moments in a personās life. Unexpected sounds, scents, tastes, sights, and tactile experiences can move people outside the present moment and into a more playful space where past, present, and future come togetherā¦"
"ā¦I consider these fantasy and futuristic visions as absurd as me acquiescing to someone elseās ideas about what counts as acceptable, attractive and beautiful. These parody ads are my attempt to envision a different future, in which black women inquire and inspire while loving their hair."
"ā¦When I read comics, Iām helping people to appreciate the power of pictures with words, and of words with pictures. Reading a comic, or a graphic novel, is different from reading a novel or describing a picture book. I care about pace, setting, tension, and the lives of my characters. I need to let my drawings speak for themselves while also narrating a story that benefits from this interplay of picture and verseā¦"
"By the time I get to coloring itās usually the last step and Iām a little creatively tapped out. So I donāt spend a ton of time building a concept for the coloring, but I do love seeing things take final form. A lot of it is thinking about the scene, what the mood is, and how to light it. By that point Iāve spent enough time with the book I already know what I want to achieve when I get to it."
"I come up with a concept and might doodle a little bit to get some ideas flowing, but I mostly write and take notes. I write an outline. In a way, I feel like I can make the art fit the story that needs to be told, so I start with the story first."
"Frances and Sebastian accept each other right from the get go, and the world the characters live in is one that is willing to change. I think you buy it because itās wrapped in this fairy tale theme and playing off these Disney Princess movie tropes. It would be a lot harder if I went for a strict historical theme."
"I believe in beautiful messesā¦I like to splatter a lot."
"They are standing up and they're cryingā¦and their emotion is coming from all the emotion we're experiencing collectively."
"Poetry, with the breath of the poet, the heart of her life, joined by millions, pushes forth with the creative forces bestowed upon us. A wall is a plaything before the positive. It will take time. Change comes ā rumbling with letters and caesuras, chants, odd-angled rhymes and earthy people power."
"Beauty, suffering, power and culture are all related. We cannot tear away from reality. It is better to live with all things, then to cut ourselves off and fester in a segmented mind."
"I think itās one of the major responsibilities of the poet. As poets we tend to not like the word āresponsibilityā. We prefer āfreedomā, we want to be as free as we can, but freedom and responsibility can go together. Weāre responsible because weāre writers, and weāve been at this all our livesā¦"
"I wrote this book for my teenage self, so itās all about themes that were important to my young self: questioning your identity and gender, but also your creative aspirations and the person you want to be."
"History is a combination of a lot of things. You canāt isolate events today and say, āOh, well, this happenedāthose awful people.ā The acts might be brutal, but there must be a context to it. I certainly didnāt want to drop the reader into those incidents without telling the story of, well: Why are there refugees? Why were the Israelis and the Palestinians battling along the border? Who were the fedayeen? What was the Israeli response to that? But more than that, I think, for me, the book ends up beingāthis is going to sound strangeāa dead end. Because I donāt know where to go from here, except to delve into human psychology. I think I understand how history works. I understand why one people are battling another people. I understand that they both want land. But ultimately thereās a level that I havenāt really got to yetā¦"
"Some people have told me that hiding my eyes makes it easier for them to put themselves in my shoes, so I've kind of stuck with it. I'm a nondescript figure; on some level, I'm a cipher. The thing is: I don't want to emote too much when I draw myself. The stories are about other people, not me. I'd rather emphasise[sic] their feelingsā¦"
"With Footnotes, I want people to appreciate the lost molecules of conflict: the details and sideshows that only exist until the people who remember them die. But I also want them to remember, when they're watchi the news, that it comes to them out of context and that history always comes back to haunt you. An incident can resonate for a whole century or even longer."
"What I try to do with my images is just give the reader a real feel for a placeā¦It's very visceral. You open the page, and you are right there in the moment."
"Aside from the bumbling Carter and Ford, what we mostly got since Kennedy were corrupt Deep State criminals... Then Trump arrived and the Deep State did their best to thwart him. Trump is a populist and a nationalist. He doesnāt want open borders. He defeated Hillary, the Deep Stateās choice. Trump is an anathema to the globalist Deep State and they are still trying to take him down. Therefore, they concocted a ludicrous narrative that Russia aided Trump and āhacked the election.ā Instead of locking up Hillary, they invented grandiose lies and reverse McCarthyism. They are out to impeach Trump. This could lead to civil war."
"When a cartoonist attempts to be āfair and balancedā and āunderstand all sides,ā they have failed. Too many avoid that altogether and instead become comedians. They take any topic and cast about and ask themselves: āWhatās funny in this?ā I despise that attitude. Sure, satirical humor is an important element, but not the only element. A good cartoonist need not be funny to be effective. Many of my best cartoons are not funny."
"I disagree with him on some of the issues. But when he came out and said heās willing to audit the Federal Reserve, I said, "Heās worth supporting," especially since heās not afraid to be politically incorrect. Thatās a huge breath of fresh air, I wish he would renounce his support for the NSA."
"April 1935"
"1934 Bern, Switzerland The Trial"
"Reporter: Ha! Ha! Ha!"
"Graves: When copying the āDialoguesāā¦why would the :Protocolsā alter ācoups d'etat: to ārevolutionā?"
"Dialogue in Hell: Thirteenth Dialogue"
"Dialogue in Hell: Tenth Dialogue"
"Protocols: Number 10, paras. 6,7 A scheme of government should come ready made from one brain, because it will never be clinched firmly if it is allowed to split into fractional parts in the minds of many. It is allowable, therefore, for us to have cognizance of the scheme of action but not to discuss it lest we disturb its artfulness, and interdependence of its component parts, the practical force of the secret meaning of each clause. To discuss and make alteration in a labor of this kind by means of numerous votings is to impress upon it the stamp of all ratiocinations and misunderstandings which have failed to penetrate the depth and nexus of its plottingsā¦. These schemes will not turn existing institutions upside down just yet, They will only effect changes in their economy and consequently in the whole combined movement of their progress, which will thus be directed along the paths laid down in our schemes."
"Protocols: Number 15, para. 6 You cannot imagine to what extent the wisest of the goyim can be brought to a state of unconscious naivete in the presence of this condition of high conceit of themselves, and at the same time how easy it is to take the heart out of themā¦. These tigers in appearance have the souls of sheep and the wind blows freely through their heads. We have set them on the hobby-horse of an idea about the absorbtion of individuality by the symbolic unit of Collectivismā¦."
"Graves: Here, we can clearly see how an idea is copied!"
"Dialogue in Hell: Fourth Dialogue There are tremendous populations riveted to labor by poverty, as they were in other times by slavery. What difference, I ask you, do your fictions make to their happiness? Your great political movement has after all only ended in the triumph of a minority privileged by chance as the ancient nobility was by birth. What difference does it make to the proletariat bent over in its labor, weighted down by the heaviness of its destiny, that some orators have the right to speak, that some journalists have the right to write? You have created rights which will be purely academic for the mass of the people, since it cannot make use of them. These rights, of which the law permits him the ideal enjoyment and necessity refuses him the actual exercise, are the people only a bitter irony of defeat."
"Protocols: Number 3, para. 5 All people are chained to heavy toil by poverty more firmly than ever they were chained by slavery and serfdom; from these, one way and another, they might free themselves, these could be settled with, but from want they will never get away. We have included in the constitution such rights as to the masses appear fictitious and not actual rights. All these so-called āPeopleās Rightsā can exist only in idea, an idea which can never be realized in practical life. What is it to the proletariat laborer, bowed double over his heavy toil, crushed by his lot in life, if talkers get the right to babble, if journalists get the right to scribble nonsense side by side with good stuff, once the proletariat has no other profit out of the constitution save only those pitiful crumbs which we fling them from out table in return for their voting in favor of what we dictate, in favor of the men we place in power, the servants of our agenteurā¦. Republican Rights for a poor man are no more than a bitter piece of irony."
"Dialogue in Hell: Fourth Dialogue"
"Protocols: Number 1, paras. 16, 18, and 20 Let us, however, in our plans, direct our attention not so much to what is good and moral as to what is necessary and useful. In order to elaborate satisfactory forms of action it is necessary to have regard to the rascalist, the slackness, the instability of the mob, its lack of capacity to understand and respect the conditions of its own life, or its own welfare. It must be understood that the might of a mob is a blind, senseless and unreasoning force ever the mercy of a suggestion from any sideā¦. A people left to itself, i.e., to starts from its midst, bring itself ro ruin by party dissensions excited by the pursuit of power and honors and the disorders arising therefrom. Is it possible for the masses of the people calmly and without petty jealousies to form judgement, to deal with the affairs of the country which cannot be mixed up with personal interest? Can they defend themselves from an external foe?"
"Graves: āā¦Tigers with the souls of sheep and heads full of windā¦ā A CLEVER METAPHORā¦NO WONDER THE āPROTOCOLSā COPIES IT!"
"Dialogue in Hell: Ninth Dialogue"
"Protocols: Number 1, paras. 11,12,13,14 The political has nothing in common with the moral. The word āright is an abstract thought and proved by nothing. Where does right begin? Where does it end? In any State in which there is a bad organization of authority, an impersonality of laws and of the rights over multiplying out of liberalism, I find a new right to attack by the right of the strong, and to scatter to the winds all existing forces of order and regulation, to reconstruct all institutions and to become sovereign lord of those who have left to us the rights of their power by laying them down voluntarily in their liberalism."
"Raslovlev: The āprotocolsā written in 1897 states that the elders decreed the expulsion of all non-Jewish secret societies."
"Protocols: Number 3, para. 16 It is the bottomless rascality of the goyim peoples, who crawl on their bellies to force, but are merciless toward weakness, unsparing to faults, and indulgent to crimes, unwilling to bear the contradictions of a free social system but patient unto martyrdom under the violence of a bold despotism. It is those qualities which are aiding us to independence. From the premier-dictators of the present day the goyim peoples suffer patiently and bear such abuse as for the least of them they would have beheaded twenty kings."
"Protocols: Number 11, paras. 1,2 The state Council has been, as it were, the emphatic expression of the ruler; it will be, as the āshowā part of the Legislative Corps what may be called the editorial committee of the alws and decrees of the ruler. Br> This, then, is the program of the new constitution. We shall make Law, Right, and Justice (1) in the guide of proposals to the Legislative Corps, (2) by the decrees of the president under the guise of general regulations, of orders of the Senate and of resolutions of the State Council in the guise of ministerial orders, (3) and in case a suitable occasion should arise, in the form of a revolution in the State."
"Graves: Quite a lot of attention has been given to this āProtocolā matter in England! An English edition of it, āThe Jewish Peril,ā appeared last Januaryā¦and the āIllustrated Sunday Heraldā carried a big article on it February 8, 1920"
"International Jews. In violent opposition to all this sphere of Jewish effort rise the schemes of the International Jews. The adherents of this sinister confederacy are mostly men reared up among the unhappy populations of countries where Jews are persecuted on account of their race. Most, if not all, of them have forsaken the faith of their forefathers, and divorced from their minds all spiritual hopes of the next world. This movement among the Jews is not new. From the days of Spartacus-Weishaupt to those of Karl Marx, and down to Trotsky (Russia) Bela Kun (Hungary), Rosa Luxemborg (Germany) and Emma Goldman (United States), this world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilization and for the reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality, has been steadily growing. It played, as a modern writer, Mrs. Webster, has so ably shown, a definitely recognizable part in the tragedy of the French Revolution. It has been the mainspring of every subversive movement during the Nineteenth Century; and now at last this band of extraordinary personalities from the underworld of the great cities of Europe and America have gripped the Russian people by the hair of their heads and have become practically the undisputed masters of that enormous empire."
"Dialogue in Hell: First Dialogue"
"Zionist Aspirations Dr. Weizmann on Future of Palestine. Dr. Weizmann; the Zionist leader, who had just returned from the Conference at San Remo, in the course of a statement yesterday on the future of Palestine expressed his appreciation, and that of his fellow Zionists for the assistance rendered to their cause by The Times. The Balfour declaration, by being incorporated in the Treat with Turkey, had received international sanction. Dealing with the mandate conferred on Great Britain, he said:- There are still important details outstanding, such as the actual terms of the mandate and the question of boundaries in Palestine. There is the delimitation of the boundary between French Syria and Palestine, which will constitute the northern frontier and the eastern line of demarcation, adjoining Arab Syria."