All Quotes

"You've been with the professors and they've all liked your looks. With great lawyers you've discussed lepers and crooks."

"You go watch the geek, who immediately walks up to you when he hears you speak, and says, how does it feel to be such a freak?, and you say, impossible as he hands you a bone."

"And something is happening here, but you don't know what it is, do you Mr. Jones?"

"Here's your throat back, thanks for the loan."

"You put your eyes in your pockets and your nose on the ground."

"They already expect you to just give a check to tax-deductible charity organization."

"Oh God said to Abraham, Kill me a son. Abe says, Man, you must be puttin' me on. God say, No. Abe say, What? God say, You can do what you want Abe, but the next time you see me comin' you better run. Well Abe says, Where do you want this killin' done? God says, Out on Highway 61."

"The cops don't need you, and, man, they expect the same."

"I started out on burgundy but soon hit the harder stuff."

"They're selling postcards of the hanging"

"Yes, I received your letter yesterday (About the time the door knob broke) When you asked how I was doing Was that some kind of joke? All these people that you mention Yes, I know them, they're quite lame I had to rearrange their faces And give them all another name Right now I can't read too good Don't send me no more letters no Not unless you mail them From Desolation Row"

"Now at midnight all the agents And the superhuman crew Come out and round up everyone That knows more than they do"

"The Titanic sails at dawn"

"And Ezra Pound and T. S. Eliot Fighting in the captain's tower While calypso singers laugh at them And fishermen hold flowers..."

"Ron Rosenbaum: When you hear your songs in your mind, it's not just you strumming alone, you mean?"

"Dylan: Well, no, it is to begin with. But then I always hear other instruments, how they should sound. The closest I ever got to the sound I hear in my mind was on individual bands in the Blonde on Blonde album. It's that thin, that wild mercury sound. It's metallic and bright gold, with whatever that conjures up. That's my particular sound. I haven't been able to succeed in getting it all the time. Mostly, I've been driving at a combination of guitar, harmonica and organ, but now I find myself going into territory that has more percussion in it and [pause] rhythms of the soul."

"But I would not feel so all alone, everybody must get stoned!"

"Somebody got lucky, but it was an accident."

"Oh Mama, can this really be the end? To be stuck inside of Mobile with the Memphis blues again?"

"And here I sit so patiently waiting to find out what price you have to pay to get out of going through all these things twice."

"The one was Texas medicine, the other was just a railroad gin. And, like a fool, I mixed them; and it strangled up my mind."

"Your debutante just knows what you need, but I know what you want."

"You see, you're just like me. I hope you're satisfied."

"Ain't it just like the night to play tricks when you're trying to be so quiet?"

"We sit here stranded, though we're all doin' our best to deny it."

"He's sure got a lotta gall to be so useless and all"

"Inside the museums, infinity goes up on trial. Voices echo this is what salvation must be like after a while But Mona Lisa must have had the highway blues You can tell by the way she smiles"

"The ghost of electricity howls in the bones of her face."

"Name me someone that's not a parasite and I'll go out and say a prayer for him."

"Cursed be all that learning that is contrary to the cross of Christ."

"Congress shall never disarm any citizen unless such as are or have been in actual rebellion."

"The purpose of separation of church and state is to keep forever from these shores the ceaseless strife that has soaked the soil of Europe in blood for centuries."

"We have staked the whole future of American civilization, not upon the power of government, far from it. We have staked the future of all of our political institutions upon the capacity of mankind for self-government: upon the capacity of each and all of us to govern ourselves, to control ourselves, to sustain ourselves according to the Ten Commandments of God."

"History records that the money changers have used every form of abuse, intrigue, deceit, and violent means possible to maintain their control over governments by controlling the money and its issuance."

"Do not separate text from historical background. If you do, you will have perverted and subverted the Constitution, which can only end in a distorted, bastardized form of illegitimate government."

"The biggest danger to our rights today is not from government acting against the will of the majority but from government which has become the mere instrument of that majority. Think about it. That's where the abuse of power comes from. Not the tyranny of the King but the tyranny of the majority. Wrong will be done as much by an all-powerful people as by an all-powerful Prince."

"It would be a blot and stigma on your otherwise spotless escutcheon, not to restore to your slaves that liberty and those rights which you have been through life so zealous and able a champion."

"If Washington or Jefferson or Madison should utter upon his native soil today the opinions he entertained and expressed upon this question, he would be denounced as a fanatical abolitionist. To declare the right of all men to liberty is sectional, because slavery is afraid of liberty and strikes the mouth that speaks the word. To preach slavery is not sectional — no: because freedom respects itself and believes in itself enough to give an enemy fair play. Thus Boston asked Senator Toombs to come and say what he could for slavery. I think Boston did a good thing, but I think Senator Toombs is not a wise man, for he went. He went all the way from Georgia to show Massachusetts how slavery looks, and to let it learn what it has to say. When will Georgia ask Wendell Phillips or Charles Sumner to come down and show her how liberty looks and speaks?"

"Among Madison's 15 points was his declaration that “the Religion then of every man must be left to the conviction and conscience of every...man to exercise it as these may dictate. This right is in its nature an inalienable right.” Madison also made a point that any believer of any religion should understand: that the government sanction of a religion was, in essence, a threat to religion. “Who does not see,” he wrote, “that the same authority which can establish Christianity, in exclusion of all other Religions, may establish with the same ease any particular sect of Christians, in exclusion of all other Sects?” Madison was writing from his memory of Baptist ministers being arrested in his native Virginia. As a Christian, Madison also noted that Christianity had spread in the face of persecution from worldly powers, not with their help. Christianity, he contended, “disavows a dependence on the powers of this world...for it is known that this Religion both existed and flourished, not only without the support of human laws, but in spite of every opposition from them.”"

"Madison was shy and reserved with strangers and never learned the politically useful art of small talk. Because of this shyness, as well as his small stature and weak voice, he made a very bad first impression. Contributing to his poor image was his deliberative nature He deferred decisions whenever possible until all sides had been considered thoroughly. For this, some regard him as weak and indecisive. But others agreed with Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin, who said, "Mr. Madison is... slow in taking ground, but firm when the storm rises.""

"James Madison rarely spoke regarding slavery during his Presidency, and the few times he did it was to stricter enforcement of the slave trade on two occasions in his address to Congress in 1810 and 1816. The only significant line in his address is from the 1816 in which he states 'The regulations which are intended to guard against abuses of a kindred character, in the trade between the several states, ought also to be rendered more effectual for their humane object'. After he left office Madison began working on his plans for the gradual emancipation of the slaves. He wrote that 'it ought, like remedies for other deep-rooted and widespread evils, to be gradual, is so obvious, that there seems to be no difference of opinions on that point. To be equitable and satisfactory, the consent of both the master and the slave should be obtained'. Madison then continues his work, proposing that the slaves be bought and then move west to federal land where they will work to pay off their debt to the Federal government. Madison estimated this cost at 600 MILLION DOLLARS, that is not adjusted for inflation. However Madison then interestingly writes that by doing this America is atoning for its actions in mistreating the black man, perhaps atoning for his own sins? 'If in any instances wrong has been done by our forefathers to people of one color, by dispossessing them of their soil, what better atonement is now in our power than making what is rightfully acquired a source of justice and blessings to a people of another color?', Madison here is referring to the mistreatment of the native peoples and that by treating blacks they are in a way atoning for their sin. Madison's next plan involved all female slaves being bought by the federal government which was more feasible in economic terms. After this plan there is a few years of silence and then a very different tone begins to emerge from Madison. Madison, I believe, looked at the events of the Missouri crisis, to indicate that the Union was in peril and a certain amount of expedience was required in his work. Madison writing to Lafayette seemed to indicate a regret at allowing the continuation of the slave trade until 1808, writing in reference to the Missouri controversy."

"I would argue yes, that to an extent Madison's actions can be interpreted as showing some form of guilt in his early perceived failings, especially since he repeatedly refers to sin of slave trade and atonement for America's actions. Interestingly I'd also add that Madison was the 'prophet of the founders' and repeatedly, and with a great degree of accuracy, saw the rising fears of disunion and even predicted that Fugitive slave laws would drive a immovable wedge between northern and southern states... Madison's writing regarding finding a solution to Slavery took on a certain rush and priority that had largely existed in his previous years of life. This, I believe, was because of a direct result of the events unfurling around him that he saw as threatening Union. I'd also note that he fought furiously at the Virginia Constitutional Convention of 1829, along with Monroe which I will probably touch up more on when I finish that post, to ban slavery in Virginia."

"[T]he Constitution deliberately avoided the direct use of the word 'slavery' because, as James Madison explained, the Framers did not want to give express approval to the idea that there could be 'property in man'."

"Madison saw slavery as an evil."

"The more I learn about the evolution of ideas, the more I have become aware that I am simply an unrepentant Old Whig... It is the doctrine which is at the basis of the common tradition of the Anglo-Saxon countries. It is the doctrine from which Continental liberalism took what is valuable in it. It is the doctrine on which the American system of government is based. In its pure form it is represented in the United States, not by the radicalism of Jefferson, nor by the conservatism of Hamilton or even of John Adams, but by the ideas of James Madison, the “father of the Constitution.”"

"[I]f some doubt may be cast upon the language of Mr. Madison at times, at others he stands out for at least as much admiration as may be bestowed upon a set of man who have rarely been subjected to unfavorable criticism. He squarely announced himself opposed to the slave-trade, and stated that he did not think it right to admit the idea into the Constitution that its framers considered the slaves as property, or that there could be property in man. And no doubt he said honestly that much had been gained by closing the slave-trade in 1808, forever."

"Madison grew up with slaves, and continued to own slaves throughout his life. Nevertheless from early in his political career he had considers slavery a moral and political evil, admitted that it violated the natural rights promised in the Declaration of Independence, and hoped for its ultimate, if gradual, abolition."

"He observed that the whole Bible is against Negro slavery, but that the clergy do not preach this, and the people do not see it."

"Of the authors of The Federalist Papers, James Madison could claim the least familiarity with military affairs, for unlike Alexander Hamilton and John Jay, he had known neither the sting of battle nor the tension of international diplomacy during the American Revolution. In contrast to Hamilton, who had conducted an inquiry on post-Revolution defense policy, or Jay, who had directed the perilous diplomacy of the new nation under the Articles of Confederation, Madison had made his postwar reputation as a cerebral congressional surrogate for his famous Virginia colleague Thomas Jefferson. During the Constitutional Convention, however, Madison emerged as one of the architects of the Constitution with which its framers hoped to reorganized the newly independent states. Thus when the fight for ratification came to the crucial state of New York, Madison was a natural choice to be one of the three authors of the "Publius" essays, advocating a stronger central government. Surprisingly, Madison contributed an essay on Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution, applying his analytical skill to No. 41 of The Federalist Papers. The issue was empowering the government to conduct the nation's defense."

"To Madison, the Constitution's provisions for the central control of military policy seemed self-evident. "Security against foreign danger is one of the primitive objects of civil society. It is an avowed and essential object of the American Union." It was unthinkable to him that defense would not be the domain of the national government. "Is the power of raising armies and fleets necessary?" Madison could imagine no constitutional limits upon the nation's potential enemies. How could the readiness for war in time of peace be safely prohibited, unless we could prohibit in like manner the preparations and establishments of every hostile nation?" Perhaps he remembered George Washington's quip that the Constitution would not limit the size of other nations' armies even if it set a ceiling on America's standing forces. "The means of security can only be regulated by the means and danger of attack. They will, in fact, be ever determined by these rules and no other. It is in vain to oppose constitutional barriers to the impulse of self-preservation. It is worse than in vain... If one nation maintains constantly a disciplined army, ready for service of ambition or revenge, it obliges the most pacific nations who may be within the reach of its enterprises to take corresponding precautions.""