First Quote Added
April 10, 2026
Latest Quote Added
"Malaysia’s adherence to the principles of ASEAN cooperation is not altruistic. It is enlightened self-interest."
"ASEAN as a whole constitutes a major producer of conventional energy such as gas and petroleum. Yet we lack the infrastructure and technology to fully exploit our natural resources."
"ASEAN has proven to the world to be a viable and cohesive grouping. This credibility has to be sustained."
"ASEAN's commitment transcends limited and localised national outlooks, and so renders possible a more daring programme for the future based on a peaceful and stable Southeast Asia."
"We do not believe in double standards in the conduct of international relations."
"We live in a world of instant communication which has spawned instant events, instant interviews and instant comments."
"What we do within our own country is contributory and complementary towards each other's progress."
"The security of the region is the security of Malaysia."
"Relations, if it is to be durable, must be based on the mutually accepted norms of equality and respect. There cannot be any compromise on this."
"The security apparatus of our two nations continue to cooperate closely against any subversive and criminal elements that could affect our stability even when political leaders are openly squabbling."
"I hope that you will take this opportunity to understand this region better and to explore ways and means of establishing better cooperation between American businessmen and financiers with ASEAN's counterparts."
"An appreciation of differences is as important as the acknowledgement of the common historical and geo-political backgrounds in the fostering of understanding between our two countries."
"We can always call up each other, and frankly discuss our mutual problems when they arise."
"We intend to have a firm grip [on inflation] through fiscal and monetary discipline."
"For us to opt for super-power collusion would be submitting ourselves to be pawns in their conflicts and rivalries."
"Malaysia is ruled by conservatives whose only desire is to develop the country for the benefit of the people. Radicalism and extremism has been rejected not only by the Government but also by the people."
"Singapore's success story in the economic and social fields cannot but be a model for Malaysians rather than an object of envy."
"When we ask Malaysians to look East, it is not so much your living standard that we are thinking about. That will come... What we are interested in is your work ethics."
"In short, for the sake of future generations, we all have to respond actively, positively and urgently to overcome the dadah problem."
"What we need today if we are to achieve some semblance of a fair distribution of international wealth is sincerity based on true friendship and a clear understanding of the moral obligations that we all have towards each other."
"Our economic policies are based on clear and definite political objectives. If we impose conditions on foreign investors, it is not because we grudge you your profits, but because we have a need to reconcile foreign economic incursions with national aspirations."
"ASEAN countries, who are both the source and the bearer of the brunt of the international dadah problem, merit greater attention of the world community."
"We cannot allow the expression "everybody’s responsibility is no one’s concern" to be true of dadah prevention."
"Dadah is one enemy that we cannot say, "If we cannot fight its abuse, we can join in the abuse.""
"The political stability we achieve is, for you, much more worthwhile commercially than the short-term profits you might make."
"The obvious answer to the problem is to move on a broad front, to tackle both the underlying and the related dadah problem together."
"The dadah problem in a sinister way is very democratic in that it does not discriminate against religion, racial descent, or socio-economic background of a person."
"Malaysia comprehends the magnitude of the dadah problem. We have accordingly designated it as a security problem."
"Insights, understanding and concepts are meaningless and empty unless bold action is taken to ensure results."
"Malaysia, like many other countries, is fully aware of the seriousness and complexity of the global problems of dadah use and substance abuse, and we fully endorse all international efforts, be it governmental or non-governmental, directed towards the eradication of this social menace."
"We do not nationalize, for example. [...] The predictability pertaining to economic policies is our asset."
"We have the potential to develop a wide variety of attractions within our region and these can indeed be promoted among our own people as well as among international visitors."
"Let us put our heads together to evolve ways and means to develop the tourist industry in the ASEAN region."
"For us in Malaysia, the dadah problem is still our number one enemy. As a security problem, it will be given priority."
"The coming together of ASEAN countries for the purpose of creating greater business opportunities for those involved in the tourist industry once again demonstrates ASEAN's determination to foster closer cooperation among member countries."
"The small Third World countries, the silent majority as it were, must no longer be silent."
"The European Economic Community uses economic power to continue political domination. The United States too was drawn into this grouping, thus adding strength to the domination of European countries over their former colonies."
"It is not just skills we are after, but more importantly, the correct attitude to work, including the sense of belonging, which breeds loyalty."
"The ASEAN nations are not intending to compete with the developed countries. Rather they wish to complement."
"ASEAN firmly believes in regional cooperation as a means to achieve greater prosperity and stability for our region."
"Goebbels never doubted that he was a socialist. He understood Nazism to be a better and more plausible form of socialism than that propagated by Lenin. Instead of spreading itself across different nations, it would operate within the unit of the Volk."
"Goebbels and some other northern leaders thought of themselves as revolutionaries, with more in common with the Communists than with the hated bourgeoisie. There was some sympathies for Russia. And there was talk of a party trade union."
"On 16 June 1941, as Hitler readied his forces for Operation Barbarossa, Josef Goebbels looked forward to the new order that the Nazis would impose on a conquered Russia. There would be no come-back, he wrote, for capitalists nor priests nor Tsars."
"The next day, the last of Lord Halifax's visit, Goebbels came to tea. He was really the cleverest of the Nazis and the only leading member of the party with whom conversation was amusing. But there was a bitter streak in his character. He once told me that he often looked back with nostalgia on the early days of the party when there was something to attack. The task of making public speeches was now dreary. He merely wrote on a sheet of paper: Hitler's services to Germany, 5 minutes; the Jews, 10 minutes; Winter Help, 5 minutes, and so on. When he came to each item he merely spouted the old story. He did not, however, tell me that Nazi plans for aggression would soon bring new zest to life and that instead of a domestic enemy, there would be a host of foreigners to attack. But all this must have been in his mind, for 1939 found his Ministry as much prepared as any other instrument of German aggression."
"Goebbels was the strongest representative of anti-Semitism. He saw his big chance to become powerful by using the press for anti-Semitic reasons. Personally, I think Goebbels was using anti-Semitism merely as a means of achieving personal power. Whether he had any deep-seated hatred against the Jews is questionable. I think he was too much of a thief and dishonest opportunist to have any deep-seated feelings for or against anything. But for years Goebbels had been trying in vain to become a big power. At last he saw his chance. He had whipped up anti-Semitic feelings to such a point by his vicious propaganda that he now thought he could do anything. He probably didn't think about the consequences himself. He was a fanatic of an abnormal caliber. Streicher was a tame man compared to Goebbels, because Streicher is half crazy and stupid, whereas Goebbels was just unscrupulous, clever and dangerous. You couldn't discuss anything with Goebbels. And for the same reason, you couldn't discuss anything with Himmler. Goebbels was so dishonest that it didn't pay to discuss anything with him."
"One of the cleverest men in Hitler's close circle was Dr. Joseph Goebbels, the Gauleiter of Berlin and also Minister for People's Enlightenment and Propaganda. He was a skilled orator and in the struggle against the Communists for Berlin's vote he had demonstrated great personal courage. But he was also a dangerous demagogue, quite unscrupulous in his agitations against parents and school teachers; and he was largely responsible for the notorious pogrom, the so-called 'Crystal night', of November 1938. He was certainly in a position to recognize the errors and weaknesses of the National-Socialist system, but he lacked the courage necessary to lay his knowledge before Hitler. In Hitler's presence he- like Goering and Himmler- was a little man. He both feared and idolised him. Hitler's powers of suggestions were seldom so apparent as in his relationship with Goebbels. The highly skilled demagogue fell silent in Hitler's presence. He did his best to unravel his master's wishes, and in his propaganda- at which he might almost be called a genius- he seldom, if ever, displeased the dictator."
"Goebbels was at this time writing articles and making speeches which implied that although Communism was misguided it was the potentially ally of the brand of revolutionary National Socialism that he was promoting. ‘We will never get anywhere’ he wrote in Briefe, ‘if we lean on the interests of the cultured and propertied classes. Everything will come to us if we appeal to the hungry and despair of the masses.'"
"On Sunday, 21st November [1937], Goebbels and his wife came to tea at the Embassy. I had expected to dislike him intensely, but am ashamed to say that I did not. We had a good deal of talk about the Press, concerning which he contrasted the admirably restrained behaviour of the German Press at the time of King Edward's abdication with the shameless fashion in which our Press was for ever attacking the Führer. To this I said that there was a great difference between a constitutional monarch and a very controversial Führer. He admitted this was a very fair answer, but "do not forget that your Crown has a thousand years behind it and is very strong—we are only three or four years old and are very sensitive." This confirmed what I had always been inclined to think about part of the Nazi attitude arising from an inferiority complex."
"Goebbels spoke with deep respect of the Russian utopia impulse, while Strasser even called for an alliance with Moscow ‘against the militarism of France, against the imperialism of England, against the capitalism of Wall Street.’ Even more socialistic was the group’s economic program: large landholdings were to be abolished, and all peasants were to be organized into agricultural cooperatives; small businesses were to be grouped into guilds; corporations with more than twenty employees were to be partially socialized. Where enterprises continued in private hands, the personnel were to be entitled to a share of 10 per cent of the profits…"
"Looking for formulas which could unite the nationalistic socialists with Communists, Goebbels found a whole catalogue of identical attitudes and convictions. He by no means rejected the theory of class struggle. He contended that the collapse of Russia would ‘bury forever our dreams of a National Socialist Germany.’"