First Quote Added
April 10, 2026
Latest Quote Added
"Somewhere in the race to survive in Bollywood, I started telling stories that I believed people wanted to hear, and not the ones I wanted to tell. The ones which ought to be told."
"He quoted how Galileo was nearly killed for opposing a belief but in India, when Charvak, an atheist, challenged the Vedas with logic and rejected the idea of reincarnation, he was given the title of ârishiâ. Indian thought isnât about tolerance, itâs about acceptance. He reminded us that societies which champion the cause of human rights are the ones who started two world wars whereas India has been the most peace-generating country in the global context. He said, âI have absolute faith that the tapasya of thousands of years canât be destroyed by you and me.â"
"I remember Prime Minister Modi sharing his belief that the cultural space shouldnât be ârajya aashritâ, government-dependent, as it takes away the voice of reason but it should be ârajya puraskaritâ, awarded by the State. And without âfearless cultural evolutionâ, we would be a robotic society. He clarified that he never received any request from any âkalakarâ to meet him. âOne day I saw on TV that Shri Munnawar Rana was saying that if PM invites us, weâll go and tell him about our concerns, so I immediately called my secretary and asked him to invite Shri Rana at his convenience but till date no one has come. As a PM, I canât go beyond this. Home Minister Rajnath Singhji has publicly extended the invitation, twice, but no one has responded.â"
"The evolved, enlightened and reasonable voice of India is absolutely absent from the national discourse. Who has divided us? Our society is divided into âoverclassâ (as described by Michael Find) and âunderclassâ. Overclass has systematically siphoned off the national wealth, leaving the underclass to fight for two square meals. They either inherited or, in collusion with corrupt regimes, appointed themselves to positions of power and influence. With strong control over information, they kept the underclass in the dark. Their word was the final word. The biggest trick the overclass played on the underclass is keeping the hope alive that only they can get them out of this abject poverty. That we have problems and they have the solution. This is the same trick godmen and Satan play on us. This overclass with social, economic, and political clout has constantly shown disdain and contempt for the traditional social values and the underclass is now questioning their motives. If different ideologies, traditions and cultures co-exist and democracy finds popular favour, itâs not due to this narrow but influential elite. Itâs due to the tolerance level of the underclass."
"Relianceâs Big cinema had backed out as sponsors of MAMI as it was going through a massive financial crunch and there were rumours that it might shut down. ... From down-to-earth, genuine filmmakers like Shyam Benegal, the festival now was in the hands of corporates, critics, powerful peopleâs wives and their admirers. This was the year when MAMI officially transformed from a cinema loversâ festival to a corporate club festival. I learnt this when I reached Chandan cinema with Pallavi for the closing award ceremony. We were official nominees, yet we were asked to sit in a corner seat in the tenth or twelfth row whereas the front rows were all occupied by commercial stars, star wives, their friends and people who are inconsequential to indie cinema. I was officially nominated; my wife Pallavi, besides being a senior actor is a national award winner and has been on the jury of the national awards, but nobody was ready to recognize those who did not make great press."
"I have to be a risk-taker and just tell the truth the way it is. Everything that bothers me. Everything that must be told. Fearlessly. My loyalty is to the inner vision. There is no other way work of artistic worth can be done."
"Emergency was declared. Sanjay Gandhi took over. He created an army of morally corrupt, foreign-educated intellectuals with no track record. Their biggest strength was their unconditional loyalty to the Gandhi family. This tradition has continued. Loyalty over merit. Scheming over competence. Loot over contribution. Corruption grew. Guilt grew. Fear grew. With every scam, the family started making the intellectual wall bigger and bigger. Today this wall is full of scammers, crooks, agents, brokers, pimps, lobbyists, character assassins, land sharks etc. disguised as lawyers, journalists, NGOs, feminists, advisors, professors, socialists etc. Simply put, beneficiaries of Congressâs largesse."
"To cover up his illicit romances, rising corruption, the undercurrent of a revolt and massive defeat and humiliation by the Chinese, Nehru nurtured an âintelligentsiaâ which justified his impractical economics and failed politics to the masses. The coterie of intellectuals he created was immoral. Historians know that whenever a king has surrounded himself with immoral thinkers, debauchery has begun. These short-sighted and opportunistic intellectuals justified âsocialismâ. Socialism has corruption in its very DNA. Nehru chose Big State over Big Market. More State-sponsored programmes meant inefficient system, red-tapism, favouritism, weaker economy, and corruption. It meant bigger disparity between masses and policy makers. More subsidies, doles, freebies meant more arrogance of rulers for they were the ones distributing alms. They became the givers. And us, the obliged masses, the takers. Thus, India arrived at State vs Masses. Corrupt vs Masses. Intellectuals vs Masses. Givers vs Takers."
"Dear Wikipedia, You forgot to add âIslamophobia propaganda Sanghi bigot etcâ. You are failing your Secular credentials. Hurry, edit more."
"I didn't get up from the corner of my study couch until I discovered a unique and dangerous nexus between the Naxal mafia and middlemen disguised as intellectuals. Like Prasoon would have desired, I had inverted the pyramid of intellectuals. I had found the theme of the film: Intellectual Terrorists."
"I am utterly confused and tired. Everything is becoming clinical. I remember in 1985, a Leftist friend of mine had tried explaining the Naxal organizational structure to me, and finally exasperated, heâd said, âTrying to understand the Naxal movement is like peeling an onion. In the end, you will have only tears in your eyes and many disconnected and scattered layers of the onion.â"
"My pain? This was the pain of an Indian girl. These girls were mostly from Delhi and a few from Bangalore and Mumbai. Normally, the story of an Indian girlâs pain comes from the victims, survivors, or the feminists. A regular girl's suffering in her day-to-day life doesnât ever feature in the national feminist narrative. They have been conditioned to accept it as part of living, as an everyday struggle. A part of the culture that wants to crush their dreams. Their aspirations. Their confidence."
"Their strategy was simple. Moral domination. Nehru was a thinker. But Rajiv, Sonia, and Rahul are no intellectuals. They took a different route. They redefined morality. Secularism included. Anti-Congress was new immoral. Pro-Hindu became anti-Muslim. India was morally polarized. Morality is subjective. No one can say with guarantee what is pure morality. Masses were forced to choose between moral standards (Secularism, unity in diversity, inclusive etc.) and quality of life (development). People who wanted quality of life were made to feel guilty. Hindus who wanted to celebrate their religious freedom were made to feel guilty. Muslims who wanted to be part of mainstream India were made to feel guilty. They filled Indiaâs psyche with fear, hate and guilt. They hated all indigenous, grassroots thinkers. They hated Sardar Patel, Lal Bahadur Shastri, Morarji Desai, Charan Singh, Chandrashekhar, P.V. Narsimha Rao, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, and now Modi. They are the land grabbers of Sainik Farms and Adarsh Societies of India. They run NGOs. They run media. They coin useless and irrelevant jargon to confuse the masses. They have designations but no real jobs. They are irrelevant NRIs who want us to see a reality which doesnât exist. They want a plebiscite in Kashmir. They defend stone-pelters. They want Maoists to participate in mainstream politics. They want Tejpal to be freed. Yaqub to be pardoned. But they want Modi to be hanged. They are the hijackers of national morality. Secularism included. They are the robbers of Indian treasury. They are the brokers of power. They are the pimps of secularism. They are the Intellectual Mafia."
"Two phenomena disturbed this status quo. One, the advent of social media, and second, the rise of Narendra Modi. With easy access to social and digital media, the underclass started questioning the authenticity of information provided by the overclass. Suddenly, their statements are scrutinized, their credibility is questioned, their sinister campaigns and lies are exposed. Their dilemma is that if they quit social media, they lose their relevance, and if they stay, they lose their credibility. This war of intolerance isnât between HDL (Hindu Defence League) and MDL (Muslim Defence league). This isnât between the left and the right. This is between the overclass and the underclass."
"I wrote another blog which again went immensely viral. With this blog on âIntellectual Mafiaâ, I went for a frontal attack and discovered an audience for my voice."
"But after this show with Barkha, they stopped taking my calls and till date, I donât know what made an advanced negotiation stop without any further discussion. I found it strange and I had no idea then that suddenly I had created lots of Gudsa Usendis who didnât want me to succeed with this film. They were using all their tactics to destroy me. I had only two choices: speak up or shut up. I spoke up."
"That day I saw the change with my own eyes. The MAMI organizersâ agenda wasnât to promote these films anymore but to promote themselves. MAMI is just another club of the elites."
"MAMI did two things for me: it gave the film the respectability it deserved, and it made me realize that my journey from here on was going to be lonely as Bollywood would only pull this film down. I had to find my audience. My market. My space. And my voice. All alone."
"PM Modi gave an example of administrative intolerance. During the last days of the Vajpayee government, it was decided to build six All India Institutes of Medical Sciences (AIIMS). The then health minister Sushma Swaraj named the Patna AIIMS Jaiprakash Narayan Institute, and similarly, the other five were also named after non-Congress national leaders. Vajpayeeâs government lost the elections and the Congress-led UPA came to power. The UPA passed a Bill in Parliament and âbannedâ these names to be used for any government project. That was the level of intolerance, he said."
"He said emphatically, âIf there is a loss to the country due to my mistake, please criticize me which you must⌠punish me⌠but just to oppose me or any other political rival, one shouldnât forget national interest. This much intolerance is not good.â"
"The intellectual hierarchy has been demolished. Itâs a sad commentary that in the worldâs largest democracy, writersâ protest has become a subject of jokes. The power-hungry artists, writers, academics, and media-persons in India waste a huge amount of time making political statements to hide behind their lack of intellectual stands. Michel Houellebecq wrote Submission, a strong political statement; he didnât get press coverage for returning some award. The lustre is gone from our intellectual discourse. Secularism has lost its ideological currency. Artists, writers, activists are all suspect. Media czars have lost their access to the corridors of power and to peopleâs hearts. Itâs the overclassâ space that has been taken over by the underclass. Their discomfort is with the new order where the others are also heard. Hence, the feeling of shrinking space. They are intolerant of this new phenomenon â the emergence of the underclass. They try to devalue this new, empowered underclass by associating it with Modi and, therefore, Hindutva, and thatâs a grave mistake. The universe that was full of their voice has expanded to accommodate this new voice. This is what they call an attack on FoE and growing intolerance."
"They work exactly like religion. Most religious books are based on fear. If you do this, that will happen. Nobody knows what âthisâ or âthatâ is. Social justice, if it has to come, will come only from a free and fair market. Why didnât our liberals tell us this simple truth? When agendas, vote banks, and self-delusion take over, reasoning and sympathy are needed to keep up a common conversation. Without it, there is aggression, deafness, and an obsession with purification; hence the divisive politics of Boutique Liberalism. Boutique Liberalism is an Indian tragedy and a very damaging detour into the quicksand of communalism. Indian Liberalism has come to mean the colour opposite of saffron. Thatâs their failure. In a desperate attempt, their new mantra is â âWe donât care if you are a murderer, we want to know whether you are a liberal or a Sanghi murderer?â"
"[He said:] âStudents belonging to SC/ST are attracted to Leftist propaganda because of the fraud theory of Aryan-Dravidian divide. Leftists have also misrepresented Indian epics like Manu Smriti and manipulated Indian history books to brainwash students. Students from Kashmir with a jihadi mentality easily get attracted towards Leftists as they both have a common agenda of weakening India.â"
"Both the worlds are so polarized. So different and contradictory. Yet, they have some things in common. Complexity, chaos, and conflict. And there is no place for any other narrative."
"âBut as soon as you enter a university, we witness a radical and communal face of Communism. Here, they propagate the weaknesses and evils of Hindu culture. They manipulate and twist ancient books to misrepresent them and provoke students. For example, they use Tulsidasâ chaupai, without mentioning the rest of the Ramcharitmanas, which is the real context. âढŕĽŕ¤˛ ŕ¤ŕ¤ŕ¤ľŕ¤žŕ¤° जŕĽŕ¤ŚŕĽŕ¤° पज༠नञरŕĽ, सŕ¤ŕ¤˛ तञथनञ ŕ¤ŕĽ ठधिŕ¤ŕ¤žŕ¤°ŕĽ.â Dhol ganvar shudra pashu nari, sakal tadana ke adhikari. âThe above lines are spoken by the Sea Deity Samudra to Ram. When Lord Ram got angry and took out his weapon in order to evaporate the whole sea, the deity appeared and said the above lines in the context of boundaries that are created by God himself in order to hold his creations. âWhat Leftists do is that they very cleverly translate it literally in Hindi, ignoring the fact that Ramcharitmanas is written in Awadhi and the same word means one thing in Hindi and another in Awadhi. While the literal meaning of the line in Hindi is âDrums, the illiterate, lower caste, animals and women deserve a beating to straighten up and get the acts togetherâ, its real meaning in Awadhi is different. In Awadhi, tadna means to take care, to protect. Whereas, in Hindi, the same word means punishment, torture, oppression. Samudra meant that like drums, the illiterate, Shudra, animals and women need special care and need to be protected in the boundary of a social safety net. In the same way, the sea also needs to reside within the boundaries created by God. And hence, Samudra gave the suggestion to create the iconic Ram Setu. âHere, Shudra doesnât mean lower caste or todayâs Dalit. It meant people employed in cottage industries.â I remember there is a book by R.C. Dutta, Economic Interpretation of History, in which he has said that when the Indian economy was based on the principles of Varna, handicrafts accounted for over twenty-five percent of the economy. Artisans and labour who were involved in the handicraft business were called âShudraâ. If there was so much caste-based discrimination, why would Brahmins use their produce? Both Dutta and Dadabhai Naoroji have written that the terminology of âcaste discriminationâ was used by the British to divide Indian society on those lines. Manish continues, âLike the British, they provoke young students to believe that Hindu scriptures are against Dalits and women and want them to suffer torture. Young students are emotional and passionate. They come here with the dream of changing the world. The concept of ârevolutionâ attracts them and they get swayed by an illogical logic.â"
"They tried to shut me up by painting me as a part of the Hindutva campaign. But it was never about Hindutva. Itâs neither about freedom of speech or intolerance. This is a tactic employed to protect their castles. They confuse the issue by bringing in lots of counter news and views. They quote laws. They try to make it look like an anti-RSS, anti-BJP issue. This isnât about any of the above. Itâs about a war against India. In 2010, there was an intelligence report that terror groups were making inroads in Indian universities. Everyone ignored it exactly like when intelligence said Ishrat Jahan was a suicide bomber. They believe in intelligence reports only when it suits them. This is Indiaâs real threat."
"There may not be a place for the alternate narrative in Naxal-infested jungles, campuses, media and minds but in the world of real, rational and sane people, there is always a place for truth â the only narrative one needs to know. Satyameva Jayate."
"Read the book because some people don't want you to."
"In Bollywood, people concentrate more on lifestyle, vanity and interpersonal equations than their craft. Though we made a big film, a Bollywood film remains only as big as its star. I was in Bollywoodâs âbigâ club."
"Shrimati Sonia Gandhi also issued an appeal a few days ago. Is it a coincidence that your appeal is reinforcing exactly the same? Can you vouch it for yourself and the other signatories that none has ever been a beneficiary of Congressâs alms? And that none of you have any vested interest, no political agenda? And no one is firing from your shoulders? If not, where was the need to get organized and send an appeal in such a hurry? Did you send this mail to all listed film professionals or just to those who you knew will sign blindly?"
"I had given up on the Bollywood style of filmmaking. I had given up on mediocrity. I had resigned from Bollywood."
"If it has any chance of getting financed, itâs going to be from someone outside of Bollywood. Bollywood can't finance this film for they have no clue about this dimension of India. Itâs going to be somebody who is bold enough to disrupt the status quo of an agenda-driven narrative."
"Discrimination isnât always gender, race or colour-based. The most damaging discrimination is of the mind and ideology. I was discriminated against by almost all my Bollywood friends, whom I used to hang around with because, like them, I also believed in a certain ideology but found it fake and alienated from reality, and elitist."
"My new fav person to discuss tech, ethics, and the future - filmmaker Anand Gandhi."
"Ship of Theseus writer and director Anand Gandhi is one of those remarkable people who seem to know nearly everything and yet doesnât boast about it or try to make you feel small."
"In a deeply interconnected world, there is no 'other'."
"We are closer to understanding ourselves and our environment than we were two centuries or two thousand years ago, so we are definitely more equipped with knowledge and information than the Buddha was, or even Darwin was. Darwin didnât know about DNA, we know about DNA. Just imagine if we could go back in time and inform Darwin about DNA or inform Buddha about it. What they were dealing with was intuition, with a logical breakdown of what they had observed. We have scientific tools for those things. We are using the energies of the past to create something new and Iâm very confident that what Iâve done has never been done before. I feel no pressure about it, Iâm just taking the next step."
"One singular aspiration in all my work is to attain the state of awe. And what is awe? Awe is when you come across something that is infinitely complex and inexplicable by all your memory and thought systems â and yet comprehensible in a singular gasp of experience. It is an incredibly important emotion for me - the inexplicable is an invitation to engage with the cosmic void that humanity has been in a constant dialogue with for 250,000 years. And for the longest time, the void hasnât answered back. In the last century, we have steadily found relevant answers, exponentially accumulating and organising into a more holistic meaning. A century ago the narrative was (and it still is, in many places) that if we probe too much into our universe and selves, we would lose out on our capacity of wonder, but exactly the reverse that has happened. When weâve looked into the molecule we found the atom and when we looked into the atom we found the electron and when weâve looked at the electron we have experienced sheer awe at its quantum probabilistic nature. So each time the scope of awe has expandedâ expanding with it, our foresight, worldview and free will â for me, a film has to grasp that, and translate that experience."
"What if we were as concerned with what we put into our minds as we are becoming with what we put into our bodies? What if there was inalienable evidence that culture is as important as food - would we scorn at junk culture?"
"Simulation systems (mathematical models, philosophical thought experiments) that donât have real world applications are like SPACs - shells with all the paperwork in place till something operational is ready to merge into them."
"We now remain, at least on paper, one of the last few countries in the world, where if you donât die successfully, youâll go to jail for attempting."
"The promise of survival beyond individual death or dispersion appeals to the most primal driving force of existence. Promises of transcendence have evolved out of the thriving desire to ward off the inevitable threat of individual death. Most systems propose a more or less perfect immortality â one where memories, hopes, desires, knowledge and even experiences survive the death of the physical body. An engagement and acceptance of this meme makes death particularly irrelevant. The upholding of the promise at the cost of individual sacrifice becomes acceptable. Individual sacrifices even become necessary in validating the promise."
"Seekers of meaning may not find meaning, but they do find each other. (From 'Eulogy for a Friend')"
"The ability and the desire to transmit knowhow, intention, and insight to others around us have co-evolved with humanity itself. Mixed reality is a huge milestone in that human project of record keeping, perspective sharing, empathising, and merging with the âotherâ, a project that began with the first cave painting, or even earlier."
"As a child, I wanted to become a scientist, a magician, a poet, an architect, an illustrator, a sculptor, an actor, a philosopher, a photographer, a playwright and an animator. So by the time I was 13 or 14, I was convinced that it would be possible to a be of all of these if I made films."
"I was called sanskaari like an abuse, just because we reduced the length of the kisses in the new James Bond film Spectre. There were jokes about a sanskaari James Bond on Twitter. If I made James Bond sanskaari I am proud of it."
"Normal civilized people donât abuse the way we see in films."
"Nudity is available online and on certain TV programs like live fashion shows. It should be in sync with the rules followed in films. There should be one policy for nudity."
"We accepted her as an artist. And with her popularity, everybody, from school kids to grown ups, have watched her sites. People are paying money to watch her. How can there be tolerance for all this? What will the new generation learn?"
"Earlier the films were given an 'A' certificate simply because they had lots of violence and horror, but nowadays there are a lot of sex and double-meaning dialogues. The themes become so predominantly vulgar and we can't possibly edit out a film's theme. So how do we re-censor these films to make them U or U/A?"