Anglican Saints

"Sche cam beforn the Erchebischop and fel down on hir kneys, the Erchebischop seying ful boystowsly unto hir, "Why wepist thu so, woman?" Sche, answeryng, seyde, "Syr, ye schal welyn sum day that ye had wept as sor as I.""

"On a nygth, as this creatur lay in hir bedde wyth hir husbond, sche herd a sownd of melodye so swet and delectable, hir thowt, as sche had ben in paradyse. And therwyth sche styrt owt of hir bedde and seyd, "Alas, that evyr I dede synne, it is ful mery in hevyn.""

"Pacyens is more worthy than myraclys werkyng."

"Given this mixture of affective and schizophrenic features a modern psychiatric diagnosis for Margery Kempe would most likely be ‘schizoaffective psychosis’, precipitated in the first instance by childbirth"

"The Book of Margery Kempe tells the story of one woman’s spiritual journey in Medieval England over a twenty-five year period, describing her quest to establish spiritual authority as a result of her personal conversations with Jesus and God. Whilst the text is written in the third person, it is generally acknowledged to be the first autobiography written in the English language...Kempe’s story relates not only Margery’s struggle to achieve some form of divine spirituality, but also her polarised reception within society. Some, most notably religious authority figures, revered Margery as a holy mystic, whilst others, mainly commoners, rejected and slandered her as a devil worshiper."

"Kempe was psychotic for much of her adult life...Kempe continued to have psychotic symptoms throughout the remainder of her life...[her] account provides the modern reader with a unique opportunity to hear the voice of a woman with serious mental illness who lived 600 years ago"

"We also know that Julian too received frequent visitors, as is attested by the autobiography of another fervent Christian of her time, Margery Kempe, who went to Norwich in 1413 to receive advice on her spiritual life"

"Margery was more of a religious hysteric than a mystic. But she gives a vibrant account of her life as a woman to whom religion and weeping were as attractive as sex was to the Wife of Bath."

"Sometimes she felt sweet smells with her nose; it was sweeter, she thought, than ever was any sweet earthly thing that she smelled before…Sometimes she heard with her bodily ears such sounds and melodies that she might not well hear what a man said to her in that time unless he spoke the louder. These sounds and melodies had she heard nearly every day for the term of twenty-five years…She saw with her bodily eye many white things flying all about her on every side, as thick in a manner as motes in the sun; they were right delicate and comfortable, and the brighter that the sun shone …Also our Lord gave her another token, which endured about sixteen years, and it increased ever more and more, and that was a flame of fire wonderfully hot and delectable and right comfortable, not wasting but ever increasing of flame, for, though the weather was never so cold, she felt the heat burning in her breast and at her heart, and verily as a man should feel the material fire if he put his hand or his finger therein"

"Kempe describes, in this extract and elsewhere, what could be construed as classic psychotic symptoms; visions, auditory, olfactory and tactile hallucinations, grandiose delusions, self-neglect (Margery’s penances of fasting, being inadequately clothed), social withdrawal (from her family and friends), and feelings of passivity and control. Yet it does not feel like madness. Why not? What Kempe describes to us is a truly embodied spiritual experience. Kempe has no doubt about this, and it is this unshakeable belief that communicates itself down the centuries through the text...the question remains as to how Kempe manages to convey the phenomenological intensity of Margery’s experience twenty or more years after the event? First, Kempe is an expert storyteller, and it is likely that she retold such narratives as discussed here on many occasions to many people, clergy and fellow pilgrims, through oral testimony and public performance. Second, central to the orthodox liturgy, is the conception that devotional words uttered are expressed through the senses. Extreme emotion which, in modern times, is viewed as a sign of mental instability, was a fundamental feature of spirituality, conveying both the seriousness and truth of the religious experience...With this knowledge, when we return to Kempe’s text, we can listen to Margery’s voice within a framework more akin to medieval England than the twentieth century West. Margery’s sensory experiences are not without cultural and historical provenance, rather she draws upon a range of mystical sources grounded in religious and cultural traditions known throughout medieval Europe. Kempe’s embodied descriptions cease to be tactile or olfactory hallucinations or grandiose ideas (marriage to God), but become experiences that result from spiritual passion. As Porter argues “it would serve no purpose to label such exercise of spiritual discipline as a psychiatric disorder” (Porter, 1988: 44). As argued earlier, religiosity was sanity, whereas madness amounted to a refusal to accept the truth that was God. Furthermore, Margery’s experiences are intelligible not only in terms of religious traditions, but also in her terms of her career; Kempe construes Margery as a holy mystic"

"As an intimate record of personal religious experience it has few equals. The marks of accuracy, sincerity, and reality are stamped on every page."

"The mind while we are in this present life, whether it contemplate, meditate, deliberate, or howsoever exercise itself, worketh nothing without continual recourse unto imagination, the only storehouse of wit and peculiar chair of memory."

"So natural is the union of Religion with Justice, that we may boldly deem there is neither, where both are not. For how should they be unfeignedly just, whom religion doth not cause to be such; or they religious, which are not found such by the proof of their just actions?"

"We hold; that seeing there is not any man of the Church of England but the same man is also a member of the commonwealth; nor any man a member of the commonwealth, which is not also of the Church of England; therefore as in a figure triangular the base doth differ from the sides thereof, and yet one and the selfsame line is both a base and also a side; a side simply, a base if it chance to be the bottom and underlie the rest: so, albeit properties and actions of one kind do cause the name of a commonwealth, qualities and functions of another sort the name of a Church to be given unto a multitude, yet one and the selfsame multitude may in such sort be both, and is so with us, that no person appertaining to the one can be denied to be also of the other."

"Words must be taken according to the matter whereof they are uttered."

"The nature of every Law must be judged of by the end for which it was made, and by the aptness of things therein prescribed unto the same end."

"We agree that pure and unstained religion ought to be the highest of all cares appertaining to public regiment: as well in regard of that aid and protection which they who faithfully serve God confess they receive at his merciful hands; as also for the force which religion hath to qualify all sorts of men, and to make them in public affairs the more serviceable, governors the apter to rule with conscience, inferiors for conscience sake the willinger to obey. It is no peculiar conceit, but a matter of sound consequence, that all duties are by so much the better performed, by how much the men are more religious from whose abilities the same proceed. For if the course of politic affairs cannot in any good sort go forward without fit instruments, and that which fitteth them be their virtues, let Polity acknowledge itself indebted to Religion; godliness being the chiefest top and wellspring of all true virtues, even as God is of all good things."

"Without order there is no living in public society, what the because the want thereof is the mother of confusion, whereupon upon division of necessity followeth, and out of division, inevitable destruction. The Apostle therefore giving instruction to public societies, requireth that all things be orderly done. Order can have no place in things, unless it be settled amongst the persons that shall by office be conversant about them. And if things or persons be ordered, this doth imply that they are distinguished by degrees. For order is a gradual disposition."

"By the Church therefore in this question we under stand no other than only the visible Church. For preservation of Christianity there is not any thing more needful, than that such as are of the visible Church have mutual fellowship and society one with another. In which consideration, as the main body of the sea being one, yet within divers precincts hath divers names; so the Catholic Church is in like sort divided into a number of distinct Societies, every of which is termed a Church within itself."

"Our naming of Jesus Christ the Lord is not enough to prove us Christians, unless we also embrace that Faith which Christ hath published unto the World."

"Because we maintain that in Scripture we are taught all things necessary unto salvation; hereupon very childishly it is by some demanded, what Scripture can teach us the sacred authority of the Scripture, upon the knowledge whereof our whole faith and salvation dependeth? As though there were any kind of science in the world which leadeth men into knowledge without presupposing a number of things already known. No science doth make known the first principles whereon it buildeth, but they are always either taken as plain and manifest in themselves, or as proved and granted already, some former knowledge having made them evident. Scripture teacheth all supernatural revealed truth, without the knowledge whereof salvation cannot be attained. The main principle whereupon our belief of all things therein contained dependeth, is, that the Scriptures are the oracles of God himself. This in itself we cannot say is evident. For then all men that hear it would acknowledge it in heart, as they do when they hear that "every whole is more than any part of that whole," because this in itself is evident. The other we know that all do not acknowledge when they hear it. There must be therefore some former knowledge presupposed which doth herein assure the hearts of all believers. Scripture teacheth us that saving truth which God hath discovered unto the world by revelation, and it presumeth us taught other wise that itself is divine and sacred."

"[O]f Law there can be no less acknowledged, than that her seat is the bosom of God, her voice the harmony of the world: all things in heaven and earth do her homage, the very least as feeling her care, and the greatest as not exempted from her power: both Angels and men and creatures of what condition soever, though each in different sort and manner, yet all with uniform consent, admiring her as the mother of their peace and joy."

"It is an axiom of Nature that natural desire cannot utterly be frustrate."

"That all things be done to the glory of God, the blessed Apostle (it is true) ex∣horteth. The glory of God is the admirable excellency of that Vertue Divine, which being made manifest, causeth Men and Angels to extol his greatness, and in regard thereof to fear him. By being glorified, it is not meant, that he doth receive any augmentation of glory at our hands; but his Name we glorifie, when we testifie our acknowledgement of his glory. Which albeit we most effectually do by the vertue of obedience; nevertheless it may be perhaps a Question, Whether S. Paul did mean that we sin as oft as ever we go about any thing, without an express intent and purpose to obey God therein. He saith of himself, I do in all things please all men, seeking not mine own commodity, but rather the good of many, that they may be saved. Shall it hereupon be thought, that St. Paul did not move either hand or foot, but with express intent even thereby to further the common salvation of men? We move, we sleep, we take the cup at the hand of our friend, a number of things we oftentimes do, only to satisfie some natural desire, without present, express and actual reference unto any Commandment of God. Unto his glory even these things are done which we naturally perform, and not only that which morally and spiritually we do. For by every effect proceeding from the most concealed instincts of Nature, his power is made manifest."

"The safest, and unto God the most acceptable way of framing our lives is with all Humility, Lowliness, and Singleness of Heart, to study which way our willing Obedience, both unto God and Man, may be yielded, even to the utmost of that which is due."

"The whole world consisting of parts so many, so different, is by this only thing upheld; he which framed them hath set them in order. Yea, the very Deity itself both keepeth and requireth for ever this to be kept as a law, that wheresoever there is a coagmentation of many, the lowest be knit to the highest by that which being interjacent may cause each to cleave unto other, and so all to continue one."

"Change is not made without inconvenience, even from worse to better."

"To fathers within their private families Nature hath given a supreme power; for which cause we see throughout the world even from the foundation thereof, all men have ever been taken as lords and lawful kings in their own houses. Howbeit over a whole grand multitude having no such dependency upon any one, and consisting of so many families as every politic society in the world doth, impossible it is that any should have complete lawful power, but by consent of men, or immediate appointment of God; because not having the natural superiority of fathers, their power must needs be either usurped, and then unlawful; or, if lawful, then either granted or consented unto by them over whom they exercise the same, or else given extraordinarily from God, unto whom all the world is subject."

"I observe there is in Mr. Hooker no affected language; but a grave, comprehensive, clear manifestation of reason, and that backed with the authority of the Scriptures, the fathers and schoolmen, and with all law both sacred and civil."

"They saw that to live by one man's will became the cause of all men's misery."

"When therefore Christian kings are said to have spiritual dominion or supreme power in ecclesiastical affairs and causes, the meaning is, that within their own precincts and territories they have authority and power to command even in matters of Christian religion, and that there is no higher nor greater that can in those causes over-command them, where they are placed to reign as kings. But withal we must likewise note that their power is termed supremacy, as being the highest, not simply without exception of any thing."

"What admirable height of learning and depth of judgment dwelled within the lowly mind of this true humble man, great in all wise men's eyes, except his own; with what gravity and majesty of speech his tongue and pen uttered heavenly mysteries, whose eyes in the humility of his heart were always cast down to the ground; how all things that proceeded from him were breathed, as from the spirit of love, as if he like the bird of the Holy Ghost, the dove, had wanted gall; let them that knew him not in his person judge by these living images of his soul, his writings. For out of these, even those who otherwise agree not with him in opinion, do afford him the testimony of a mild and a loving spirit; and of his learning, what greater proof can we have than this, that his writings are most admired by those who themselves do most excel in judicious learning, and by them the more often they are read, the more highly they are extolled and desired?"

"Hooker's Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity is more than a magnificent piece of prose writing, more than a full statement of the views of a philosopher defending the position of the church against its Puritan enemies. It is a document of Church history of the first importance, a manifesto to which the Church returns at every crisis to seek justification and vindication."

"Hooker's apologia for the Church of England has stood the test of time: a national Church needs a strong ecclesiology if it is not to become the property or puppet of the State. In spite of the very changed social and political circumstances of today, the relationship between the Crown and the Church of England remains unbroken... Hooker was among the foremost Christian apologists of his day. His conviction that the truth was discerned with reference to revelation, tradition, and reason has frequently been cited as the foundation stone of an Anglicanism that is both Catholic and Reformed."

"There is a wheel within a wheel; a secret sacred wheel of Providence (most visible in marriages), guided by His hand that allows not the race to the swift nor bread to the wise, nor good wives to good men: and He that can bring good out of evil (for mortals are blind to this reason) only knows why this blessing was denied to patient Job, to meek Moses, and to our as meek and patient Mr Hooker."

"[T]he incomparable Mr. Hooker."

"Mr. Chetwind fell commending of "Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity," as the best book, and the only one that made him a Christian, which puts me upon the buying of it, which I will do shortly."

"[H]e himself was by temperament inclined to deference, scrupulous in his regard for authority, an enthusiast for order. Moreover, he was a shy man, loving a quiet, retired life, and even then easily abashed: and it may well be that he thought of the great world and those who shone in it with a child-like sense of remoteness and alarm which he was not self-conscious enough to disguise."

"[H]e was a great admirer of Calvin, whose writings he regarded as one of the three pillars of the faith and worship of the reformed English Church, along with the Thirty-nine Articles and the Book of Common Prayer. All leaders of the Church, from John Jewel to John Whitgift, were in Calvin's debt, in Hooker's opinion. His quarrel was only with the Calvinist discipline and with the biblical extremism that some Puritans were trying to impose in England. The presbyterian polity might or might not be suitable for Geneva and other principalities, but here in England, Hooker believed, there was an existing ecclesiastical polity which conformed to the traditions and laws of his country."

"Hooker's ideal is the Respublica Christiana, the Christian state. In such a state, the head of the state is head of the Church. That is because there is one cultural life, one common good and one governmental mode of expressing that common good. This is the reason why Hooker accepts Constantine and Justinian as the typical Christian rulers, just as he accepts the Kings of Israel as the typical Jewish rulers. As the Kings of Israel headed the whole community as both Church and state, so Justinian was head of the whole society which was both Church and state. Hooker accepts Christianity as a religious culture, and at its best it is a social life transfigured by the Incarnation. Hooker is the heir of the ages, and uses not only Justianian of the East but St. Thomas of the West. If there is not a unity of culture the Church becomes a sacral society and the state becomes a secular society... Culture cannot be disintegrated without disaster. What is needed is a redeemed culture transfiguring both Church and state."

"In such a Christian society as Hooker conceived England to be, bishops and other clergy have distinct functions from those of civil officials... But they are both ministers of the same Christian society, the society which is both Church and state. Church and state are two functions of one Christian society. It is a Christian society because the whole society is dedicated to the Christian way of life as the common good. Hooker's fundamental conception is that the common good of the Christian state and that of the Christian Church are identical... If we should say to Hooker that secular life stands over against spiritual, his answer would be that either the common good of the nation is the Christian way of life or the nation is no longer Christian. Hooker believes that the redemption of public life is the highest work of Christianity. He does not wish to set Church and state apart; he wishes Christianity to be the common life of the nation. The life of the nation should be a single cultural life: the life of the Incarnation as the common good of the whole people. If this is true, there are not two societies, one Christian and the other secular."

"Hooker would not have been, but for the existence of Catholics and Puritans, the defeat of the former and the rise of the latter."

"Hooker insisted that all legitimate political power comes originally from the community and may return to it again under certain dire circumstances. He speaks of a social compact whereby power was first transferred from the people to a government, perhaps a monarch. Such notions were later used to justify rebellion against kings. Is this where Hooker was headed—toward a modern theory of consent and revolution, à la John Locke and Thomas Jefferson? Certainly not! Hooker meant only that, as Aristotle said, we are all political animals by nature and cannot live in isolation outside society. Since selfishness puts us at war with one another in an ungoverned society, we form civil governments to maintain peace and provide the order necessary for our general tranquillity. Only in this general and theoretical sense did Hooker speak of popular sovereignty and social compact."

"[N]o man can set a better state of the question between Scripture and tradition, than Hooker doth. His words are these: "The Scripture is the ground of our belief; the authority of man (that is the name he gives to tradition) is the key which openeth the door of entrance into the knowledge of the Scripture." ... [W]e resolve our faith into Scripture as the ground; and we will never deny that tradition is the key that lets us in."

"Of their Nation, Hookers Ecclesiasticall historie...for church matters."

"It is hard to overestimate the importance of Hooker. He was probably the greatest defender of the Prayer Book. The strength of his defense is to be found in his use of the philosophia perennis, and of the theology built upon it. He so employs this traditional thought that the Book of Common Prayer becomes meaningful and inherently significant."

"To fortify your own principles, and to qualify yourselves to give the Laity the instruction they so much need in this important subject, of the deference due from the private Christian, in matters purely Spiritual, to the authority of the Church, and to a Ministry of Divine institution, I would advise, that you make the writings that remain of the Apostolical Fathers, more especially of St. Clement and St. Ignatius, your constant study. They may be redde either in the Original, or in Bishop Wake's translation. Much edification on the same subject is to be drawn from the Ecclesiastical Polity of the Learned Hooker; and from the writings of an eminent Divine of the Church of Ireland, in the last century, the celebrated Charles Leslie."

"Unlimited Non-resistance can no more be inferr'd from this Scheme, than from that, espoused and established by the Excellent and Judicious Mr. Hooker, which founds the Authority of Governours upon the Voluntary Compact of Men."

"Dr. Heylin's History of the Reformation and the preface of Hooker's Ecclesiastical Policy thoroughly convinced him that neither the Church of England, nor Calvin, or any of the Reformers, had power to do what they did, and he was confident, he sayd, that whosoever reads those two books with attention, and without prejudice, would be of the same opinion."

"His truest successor in political thinking was Burke, and Burke believed in meeting the new political situation with the wisdom of the past, but he also believed that a new situation should be interpreted in terms of its own needs and characteristics... Burke's notion is that of the constant use of the past, but also the use of creative freedom to meet the fresh and novel demands of the present. This doctrine Burke draws from Hooker."