Revolutionaries

"Since you men claim to be wiser and have better minds than women, then how come you are seduced by seeing their faces."

"Men claim they have superior intelligence, saying there have been more men of genius than women. They forget that only when people use their gifts do they develop. That is why poor men who have spent their lives as cooks or tailors have not excelled in the arts or sciences. How can we expect, therefore, to find women whose knowledge is confined to this sphere excelling as geniuses?"

"I preferred to live as master of men, not their servant."

"In the past, rebellions had been regionally circumscribed. Across the country’ was massive, It helped convince the Algerian people that at long last their moment had arrived, and the struggle for independence was engaged."

"When negotiations between the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic and the French government began, I was imprisoned in Pau, in the southern region of France. I had been there for almost six years, cut off from the events of the war. During this time in prison, we remained committed to demanding our rights, including the right to be informed. As prisoners, we fought for access to newspapers, staging several hunger strikes, some lasting quite long. By late 1961, we had finally won the right to receive newspapers—though they were, of course, French publications. This meant that when the negotiations started, we were kept informed through the French press."

"It is essential that the Palestinians avoid internal struggles for power after the end of the war. They must put aside personal ambitions and form a coalition without ulterior political motives. They must build a Palestine where women and men live together with the aim of sustaining a prosperous country that unites all of its children—no matter their political beliefs."

"Women are complete citizens, with the same duties and rights as men, including the same obligation to contribute to our development."

"Whoever is closer to the wheels of the revolution, the more dangers lie in wait for him/her."

"Hundreds and thousands of people were killed in every change."

"Regarding the origin of your existence, do you have a belief? if I will say yes, why should you believe? else if I will say no, why should you believe that? when you put pressure on a person, she has to behave according to your wishes."

"I have no problem with anyone if [he/she] spoke under the whip."

"It has often been said that our Catholics are fetishists. It may well be that there are many manifestations of it. It is certainly evident in the preaching and teaching of Christian morality, with its emphasis on sexual matters and its insistence upon external observance. Some people maliciously insinuate that that is what brings the priests most money. However, there are many popular external practices, not specifically Christian, perhaps fetishistic, which do not represent any type of profit for the priests, and yet the priests insist on them. As heirs of Spanish Catholicism, we place emphasis on the external. It can be practiced more easily and widely."

"We must not allow ourselves to be misled by the myth of elections, unless the popular class controls the electoral system, presents a programme of fundamental change of the institutions, breaks up the present political power system so that the majority constitutes the main pressure group and determines the policy and makes the decisions of the government."

"I was chosen by Christ to be a priest forever because of the desire to concentrate my full time to the love of my fellow men. As a sociologist I have wanted this love to be translated into efficient service through technology and science. My analysis of Colombian society made me realize that revolution is necessary to feed the hungry, give drink to the thirsty, clothe the naked and procure a life of well-being for the needy majority of our people."

"The duty of every Christian is to be revolutionary, and that of the revolutionary to make the revolution (...) when the people decide to fight to the end there will be no power that can be superior to the power of that people who want their freedom."

"The revolutionary struggle is not just any struggle—it is not a commitment of a few hours or a few pesos. It is a struggle to which it is necessary to commit one's life."

"The main thing in Catholicism is love for one's neighbour. "He who loves his neighbour fulfils his law." (St. Paul, Rom. XIII, 8). This love, to be true, must seek effectiveness. If charity, alms, the few free schools, the few housing schemes, what has been called "charity", is not enough to feed the majority of the hungry, nor to clothe the majority of the naked, nor to teach the majority of those who do not know, we must seek effective means for the well-being of the majority."

"If the application of economic and social principles turns out well, it is probable that the insistence on philosophical speculation will fade out. As a matter of fact, this has already happened in certain places, as for instance in Poland. What is more, the most recent statements of Togliatti concerning antireligious tactics show how Marxism must evolve in its theory, if in practice it has shown that religion is not “the opium of the people.”"

"Colombian society is, in its majority, a Catholic society in the sense that it complies with external rites (baptism, confession, Communion, marriage, burial Mass, extreme unction, processions, novenae, scapulars, first Fridays). Within Colombian society, there are many who love their fellow man, with the love manifest in self-surrender, although they deny that they are Catholics or, at least, deny they belong to the church—the church being understood as the ecclesiastical structure. If the pastoral program is concentrated on maintaining the above stated situation, it may not be possible to build or extend the Kingdom of God. If the priority of love above all is accepted, if preaching is preferred over the celebration of rites, the hierarchy will have to undertake a missionary pastoral program. Pastoral mission requires that quality rather than quantity of Catholics be emphasized. More insistence must be placed on personal conviction than on the usual pressures of family and society. The exclusive teaching of Catholicism in the schools must be abandoned, and pluralism must be accepted. Freedom of speech must be permitted in the classroom. Both children and adults must be led in Bible study. Emphasis must be placed more on the love that is surrender of self than on professed faith and religious observances. Preaching of the Gospel must be stressed above the celebration of rites. Steps must be taken to eliminate social and psychological factors which stand in the way of a conscientious and personal involvement in the church on the part of those who want to love and surrender themselves to others. Within these factors are the economic power of the church and the political power of the church. This power resides formally in laws and in the Concordat. It lies informally in clericalism (intromission, the desire to dominate in the temporal plane)."

"The Church's temporary defects should not scandalize us. The Church is human. What is important is to believe that she is also divine and that if we Christians fulfill our obligation to love our neighbor, we are strengthening the Church."

"For the unity of the popular class, until death! For the organization of the popular class, until death! For the seizure of power for the working class, until death! Until death, because we are determined to go all the way. Until victory, because a people who give themselves up until death always achieve victory. Until the final victory, with the slogans of the NATIONAL LIBERATION ARMY. Not one step back... Liberation or death!"

"We should lead people to love, with that love manifest in surrender of self, we should preach the gospel; we should celebrate external rites - Eucharist and sacraments."

"The catholic who is not a revolutionary is living in mortal sin."

"Because of the traditional relations between Christians and Marxists, and between the Church and the Communist party, it is quite likely that erroneous suspicions and suppositions will arise regarding the relations of Christians and Marxists within the United Front, and of a priest and the Communist Party. This is why I want to clarify to the Colombian people my relations with the Communist Party and its position within the United Front. I have said that I am a revolutionary as a Colombian, as a sociologist, as a Christian, and as a priest. I believe that there are elements within the Communist Party which are genuinely revolutionary. Consequently, I cannot be anti-Communist either as a Colombian, as a sociologist, as a Christian, or as a priest. I am not anti-Communist as a Colombian because anti-Communism in my country is best on persecuting the dissatisfied, whether they be Communist or not, who in the main are poor people. I am not an anti-Communist as a sociologist because the Communist proposals to combat poverty, hunger, illiteracy, and lack of housing and public service are effective and scientific. I am not an anti-Communist as a Christian because I believe that anti-Communism condemns the whole of Communism, without acknowledging that there is both right and wrong in its cause. By condemning the whole it's like condemning both the just and the unjust, and this is anti-Christian. I am not anti-Communist as a priest because whether the Communists realize it or not, there are within their ranks some authentic Christians. If they are working in good faith, they might well be the recipients of sanctifying grace. Should this be true, and should they love their neighbor, they would be saved. My role as a priest, even though I am not exercising its prerogatives externally, is to lead all men to God. The most effective way to do this is to get men to serve the people in keeping with their conscience. I do not intend to proselytize among the Communists and to try to get them to accept Christian teaching and go to church. I do want all men to act in accordance with their conscience, to look in earnest for the truth, and to love their neighbor effectively. The Communists must be fully aware of the fact that I will not join their ranks, that I am not nor will I ever be a Communist, either as a Colombian, as a sociologist, as a Christian, or as a priest. Yet I am disposed to fight with them for common objectives: against the oligarchy and the domination of the United States, and for the takeover of power by the popular class. I do not want public opinion to identify me with the Communists. This is why in all my public appearances I have wanted to be surrounded not only by the Communists but by all revolutionaries, be they independent or followers of other movements. . . . Once the popular class assumes power, with the help of all revolutionaries, then our people will be ready to discuss the religious orientation they should give their lives. Poland is an example of how socialism can be established without destroying what is essential to Christianity. As a Polish priest once said: "As Christians we have the obligation of contributing to the construction of a socialist state so long as we are allowed to adore God as we wish."

"I have left the privileges and duties of the clergy, but I have not stopped being a priest. I believe that I have given myself to the Revolution out of love for my neighbor. I have stopped saying Mass in order to realize this love for my neighbor, in the temporal, economic and social realms. When my neighbor has nothing against me, when I have accomplished the Revolution, I will return to offering Mass if God allows me. I believe that in this way I am following Christ's command: "If you bring your gift to the altar and there remember that your brother has something against you, leave your gift there before the altar, and go. First be reconciled to your brother, and then come and offer your gift" (St. Matthew V, 23-24)."

"The problems of divorce and birth control that Colombian women believe they can resolve within a conformist and oppressive system cannot be resolved except within a system that respects people's conscience and individual, family and social rights. They cannot be resolved except when there is a State that has true autonomy and at the same time respect in relation to the ecclesiastical hierarchy."

"The followers of the United Front, when planning the take-over of political power necessarily have to make a tactical decision - to follow through to the ultimate consequences and use whatever means the oligarchy leaves open to seize power. This attitude has no great ideological consequences because the church itself has established the conditions for a just war. Violence is not excluded from the Christian ethic, because if Christianity is concerned with eliminating the serious evils which we suffer and with saving us from the continuous violence in which we live without possible solution, the ethic is to be violent once and for all in order to destroy the violence which the economic minorities exercise against the people.https://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/id/eprint/3552/1/398627.pdf"

"The platform (manifesto) of struggle of the United Front of the People can be realized only after the people have taken power. Its only novelty consists in its seeking the common points of the revolution without entering into religious or party differences. It can be accepted by Catholics and non-Catholics, by poor Liberals and poor Conservatives, by the revolutionary elements of the NML, the Communist, ANAPO, and Christian Democratic parties, and especially by the revolutionary elements of the non-aligned in these groups. However, it is necessary to explain that this platform leans toward the establishment of a socialist state; that is, “socialist” understood only in a technical and positive sense, not in the ideological sense. We offer practical, not theoretical, socialism."

"With the rise in national income came an apparent elevation, although not proportionate, of the economic level of the majority groups. This facilitated the increase of the educational level and of cooperatives of every kind among these same groups which began to exercise various and effective pressures on governmental organs. The play of forces between the minorities as holders of the economic power and the organized majorities became more equitable. Private interests became more general. Naturally, this occurred within national boundaries, because in international policy the interests of the indigent countries were sacrificed to those of the rich countries. Lenin’s prediction began to come true: national capitalism was changed into international imperialism."

"If Jesus was alive today, he would be a guerrillero."

"By Marxists we mean specifically those who adhere to historical and dialectical materialism. Among these are the orthodox Communists, whom we will investigate separately. First we shall consider Marxists who do not obey the discipline of the official Communist Party. 1. Possibilities. In the modern world, Marxists began the movement advocating structural change. They have technical experts in economics and in the physical and biological sciences. But dogmatism in the social sciences has been partially harmful to the orthodox Marxists who are the most emphatically dogmatic. We say “partially,” because orthodox socio-economic analyses are in harmony with the socio-economic structures of the indigent countries. As a matter of fact, if we compare Marxist analyses stricdy pertaining to the socio-economic structures of these countries with capitalist analyses, we will find that the Marxist analyses are better adapted to reality and especially to the expectations of the indigent majorities. With reference to economic planning, Marxists have held the first place, but it is important to recognize the difference between the purely economic, administrative, and technical mechanism of economic planning which authoritatively regulates investments, and the philosophy which inspired this regulation. In our time, this same regulation is inspired and practiced by virtue of other philosophies, for example in Israel. This proves that it is not necessarily connected with Marxist ideology. 2. Advantages. Among the advantages of Marxist planning we should note its orientation, which is specifically popular, and the value of its analyses of underdeveloped or developing societies. We should also keep in mind its tradition in the struggle for structural change and technical planning. 3. Disadvantages. The orthodox Marxists run the risk of being dogmatic in socio-economic matters which are most complex, variable, and contingent. Likewise, with regard to tactics, the party members follow prefabricated schemes which in many cases, as in Cuba, oblige them to diverge from the revolutionary struggles that are not in keeping with these schemes. With regard to heterodox Marxists, they can run the risk of pursuing truncated and diminished ends because they are confined within materialistic conceptions. As for the means employed, it is probable that many of them restrain and curb certain human rights."

"Why do we Catholics fight the communists - the people with whom it is said we have most antagonism - over the question of whether the soul is mortal or is immortal instead of agreeing that hunger is indeed mortal? Certainly, we Catholics who ourselves want the church to be poor are not going to fight with those who are against a rich church."

"I am fervent partisan to the expropriation of Church property even in the case that no revolution might occur."

"The Colombian clergy certainly is not guilty of being Communist. Communism is a philosophical system incompatible with Christianity, although in their socioeconomic aspirations the majority of Communists hold precepts not opposed to the Christian faith."

"There ought to be an elimination of the social and psychological factors which hinder a conscious and personal adherence to the Church among those who desire to love and serve their fellow men. Among these factors are the economic power of the Church and its political power. This is manifested formally through laws and the Concordat, and informally by clericalism (meddling in temporal matters with a domineering spirit). Among other factors we should mention the cultural, sociological, and psychological separation between the clergy and the faithful, the lack of solidarity with the poor, and the lack of scientific spirit in the Church."

"[I]n religious matters, the present-day Hindus are the descendants of the Indus valley people."

"Madame Breshkovsky's whole life has fulfilled the words that she once wrote to an American friend: "We ought to elevate the people's psychology by our own example, and give them the idea of a purer life by making them acquainted with better morals and higher ideals; to call out their best feelings and strongest principles. We ought to tell the truth, not fearing to displease our hearers; and be always ready to confirm our words by our deeds." (330)"

"This very war with Japan-this murder, this carnage, this suicide of the Russian people — was it not the act of a madman, who, seeing an abyss opening under his feet, tries to drag everything above down into it? Think of all the sorrows, atrocities, and losses resulting from this wara war that nobody needed, and that is hated and despised by the people, and then say if a government worthy of respect, and convinced of its own righteousness and strength, could have rushed into it, and thus revealed to the world all its corruption, ignorance, and contempt for its people's happiness?"

"The impression that she made in private was even deeper than that left by her public speeches. Kellogg Durland wrote in the Boston Transcript: "To look upon the face of this silver-haired apostle is like receiving a benediction. Her outward and inward calm are superb. Her hands are beautiful in their delicacy and refinement, despite the years in Siberia. Her voice is low and sweet, her smile winning and childlike. Only her eyes betray the sufferings of the years. In repose her face is strong like iron. The shadows of her eyes speak of deepest pathos."

"The party of progress in Russia is the more interested in having friends in all other countries, because it sees that the time of deliverance for the Russian people is coming nearer and nearer. All classes of the population are alike discontented with autocracy, all are longing to be freed from the yoke of despotism, and perhaps the happy day of our country's deliverance is not far away."

"all Russia is an immense prison to every Russian of progressive ideas. It is worth everything to the men and women who are working for freedom in Russia to know that free and civilized nations sympathize with them and wish them success."

"Russia the government every year deprives the nation of the services of 10,000 men and women, the best, most capable, and most energetic in Russia, by imprisoning some, exiling others, and putting still others under police surveillance, which makes it impossible for them to work for their country. Nevertheless, what do we see? We see the progressive movement in Russia growing day by day, and all classes taking a widespread and intelligent part in it. The system of despotic monarchy has so disgusted all the people, and the miseries resulting from it have brought them so near the verge of ruin, that no one, except a few unprincipled men immediately around the throne, is willing to have the present régime continue. And that is why all the government's efforts to crush out everything that tends to emancipation come to nothing, and cannot check the victorious march of progressive ideas, which are permeating even the deep mass of the Russian peasantry."

"She gave the impression of a Russian peasant woman, except for her large grey eyes, expressive of wisdom and understanding, eyes remarkably youthful for a woman of sixty-two. Ten minutes in her presence made me feel as if I had known her all my life; her simplicity, the tenderness of her voice, and her gestures, all affected me like the balm of a spring day…Her first appearance in New York was at Cooper Union and proved the most inspiring manifestation I had seen for years. Babushka, who had never before had a chance to face such a vast gathering, was somewhat nervous at first. But when she got her bearings, she delivered a speech that swept her audience off its feet. The next day the papers were practically unanimous in their tributes to the grand old lady. They could afford to be generous to one whose attack was levelled against far-off Russia instead of their own country. But we welcomed the attitude of the press because we knew that publicity would arouse interest in the cause Babushka had come to plead. Subsequently she spoke in French at the Sunrise Club before the largest assembly in the history of that body. I acted as interpreter, as I did also at most of the private gatherings arranged for her. [...] Often after the late gatherings Babushka would come with me to my flat to spend the night. It was amazing to see her run up the five flights with an energy and vivacity that put me to shame. "Dear Babushka," I once said to her, "how have you been able to keep your youth after so many years of prison and exile?" "And how did you manage to retain yours, living in this soul-destroying, materialistic country?" she returned. Her long exile had never been stagnant; it was always rejuvenated by the stream of politicals passing through. "I had much to inspire and sustain me," she said; "but what have you in a country where idealism is considered a crime, a rebel an outcast, and money the only god?" I had no answer except that it was the example of those who had gone before, herself included, and the ideal we had chosen that gave us courage to persevere. The hours with Babushka were among the richest and most precious experiences of my propaganda life."

"From my childhood I have never sympathized with the dualism of sentiments and devotion. One may have a very complex character, one may admire the whole world and understand all the beauties contained in it; one may be happy to sympathize with every perfection of nature and art; and yet one must have along with all these riches an aim, a God, a virtue, or a principle, that will stand above all the rest. And while enjoying the luxury of life, one must be ready at every moment to perform one's duty towards the aim that stands over all. That is my ideal of a human being; and I must add that the more superior the aim chosen to stand highest is to other aims or ends of life, the more valuable is the person who has chosen it. (February 1913 letter, p255)"

"a sound idea, explained by so fine a talent, remains in the people's minds forever, even if at first it is not accepted in its entirety. (1913 letter)"

"I have had the same experiences with other peoples, whose psychology is strange to the whole body of our nation. How well it is that science is making a successful advance toward giving different countries a knowledge of each other! It is so dull to have only strangers around us in every place on earth, when we are brothers, all coming from one source The soul is the same, the habits are different. (October 1912 letter)"

"Words freeze on the lips, the imagination refuses to picture the excesses with which the history of our days is filled. Without being resigned, one can only stand open-mouthed, as if struck by thunder. Nevertheless, in spite of all the countless misfortunes that accompany universal war, my heart, all bruised though it is, does not foresee a bad end for humanity. I have great hope that the minds as well as the hearts of our world will be purified and enlightened, after passing through such sinister trials. Already for many years the wisest and noblest voices have declared against all wars between the nations, and have foretold that militarism, when it has attained its highest point, must end by annihilating itself. And the sentiment of indignation which is invading all minds against the insolence of Germany proves that the people are for culture and not for destruction. The evil is horrible, for its depth as well as its intensity; but better days will come. (1914 letter, p281)"

"How much to be pitied are people who have never known the solidarity of human hearts and souls! (1914 letter, p282)"

"every struggle is carried on by means of two kinds of forces moral and material"

"Babushka had grown feebler and whiter, Stella told me, but she had remained the old rebel and fighter, her heart aflame for the people as of yore. Still, it was true that she was permitting reactionary elements to make use of her. It was impossible to doubt Babushka's integrity or to think her capable of conscious betrayal, but I could not approve her attitude towards the Soviets."