Political Activists

"...I did what I had always done. I held tight to my rational side, going on with business as usual, seeking in reasoned argument some stability for my precariously rocking days. And I pulled myself together to write-to clarify; to argue for complexity; perhaps more than anything, to affirm my intention not to crawl under a rock and be heard from no more. (p16)"

"Writing pushes me, not to answers, but to questions, criticisms, problems, and possible strategies. It intersects with my activism, makes me look even more closely at the political work I do and why and how I do it. (II. EXTENSIONS)"

"As Elly Bulkin indicates in a mind-stretching essay, "Hard Ground": "In terms of anti-Semitism and racism, a central problem is how to acknowledge their differences without contributing to the argument that one is important and the other is not, one is worthy of serious attention and the other is not.""

"Isolation. I had nobody to tell, and no language for it anyhow. (p28)"

"Lesbian Poetry must be seen as a the tip of an iceberg. The presence in it, for example, of Jean Mollison, a 63-year-old woman from rural New York who has many poems that have previously been seen only by close friends, serves as a crucial reminder of the existence of those lesbians whose work we have not seen, but who might very well have been writing poetry for four decades or more. They too, no less than Sappho and Angelina Weld Grimké and Elsa Gidlow, are a part of the tradition of lesbian poetry. In reading the lesbian poetry in this anthology, we cannot afford to forget the background of silence and denial and oppression out of which a vital, visible lesbian poetry has stubbornly emerged. While this background is important because it is at the same time not very far behind us and still present, the appearance of Lesbian Poetry-like the appearance of other publications by women who clearly identify themselves as lesbians-affirms our diversity, our creativity, our strength, our determination to continue to struggle and survive in a hostile world."

"The uneasy feeling (for me) of pieces falling into place, recollections demanding in some way to be dealt with. (p43)"

"I'm beginning to understand how my sense of identification with other women is making possible my own writing and recovery. Writing now, I'm struck by the extent to which my risks are inseparable from theirs. For me, the movement out of depression, into some sort of slow healing, has much to do with other women's stories, with what women have told me when I said, "I never told you this, but..." Some have put their stories on paper for their own reasons. But others have been jarred into memory or into talking about what they've already remembered, or what they've yet to recall. (p48)"

"It was easy, a few years ago, to think that lesbian poetry didn't exist. It had, of course, always been there-dusty in rare book libraries, lost in love poems with changed or ambiguous pronouns, absent from the published writing of otherwise acceptable women poets. Yet until fairly recently, we didn't know all this. Those of us who are lesbians seemed to have come from nowhere, from a great blankness with only a few shadowy figures to suggest a history. We could find Sappho's poetry, all right, but only when preceded by the (male) assurances that "Neither the gossip of scandalmongers nor the scrupulous research of scholars should cause us to forget that [her reputation as a lesbian] is nothing but speculation." We could surmise about Emily Dickinson's life, but until the fifties we were confronted only with a selected number of her published poems and letters. We could stubbornly claim Gertrude Stein and Amy Lowell and H.D. as lesbians-but they hardly constituted a lesbian literary tradition out of which to write or a history from which lesbians, especially lesbians of color or poor or working class lesbians, could draw strength."

"[His fusionism is all about] utilizing libertarian means in a conservative society for traditionalist ends."

"Are we not going to take an example from the civilized nations? Let us cast a glance at the achievement of others. By effort, they have achieved the final degree of knowledge and the peak of elevation. For us too all the means are ready, and there remains no obstacle to our progress. Only laziness, stupidity, and ignorance are obstacles to [our] advance."

"In fact, conservatism is not a body of principles, but a tone, an attitude. That attitude does indeed tend to conduce towards a respect for the wisdom acquired by human beings through long ages and towards skepticism of social blueprints..."

"After the ceremony, Nehru and other Congress leaders addressed a mass meeting on the river bank. As the meeting ended, Ran Ahmed Kidwai whispered to me: "Jawaharlal has performed the last rites not only of Gandhi but of Gandhiism as well. Now that the master has gone, there will be no one to discipline the crowd. The High Command is dead.""

"Feroze was furious, to say the least. He fought her with all means, through the press, via other politicians and face-to-face with her over the breakfast table at Teen Murti. According to Janardan Thakur, well-known political correspondent: ‘It was her husband who perhaps first called her a “fascist”, way back in 1959 when she was Congress President, Indira Gandhi had been lobbying hard for intervention in Kerala and Feroze had taken a stand against it. He thought it was undemocratic to dismiss an elected government, whether it was a communist government or otherwise. The issue had come up at breakfast table at Teen Murti, and there had been quite a row between Indira and Feroze, with Nehru looking on very distressed. “It is just not right,” Feroze had said, “you are bullying people. You are a fascist.” Indira Gandhi had flared up. “You are calling me a fascist. I can’t take that.” And she had walked out of the room in rage.’"

"When I reached Malabar what I saw were all terrible scenes. I was convinced that forced conversions were not a concoted story and there were evidences of the terrible things the insurgents did for that. I saw with my eyes the clear evidences of a forced conversion of a Hindu youth. All his virility was lost and remained and appeared like a living corpse. Many things more were witnessed by me. I am not detailing them all here. Among all that I also saw four Muslim women and children who had become insane due to fear. I also saw a woman injured with a bayonet charge and a child with mutilated limbs. The love kindled by Mahatma Gandhi in my heart attracted me towards them. With the help of two Congress workers I could understand the extent of their sorrows. I went back to appraise Mahatma Gandhi of the facts I collected from Malabar. I met him while he was at Bardoli and conveyed him all the facts. I will never forget the expressions of love and sadness that reflected on his face when he heard the news.( Might be that after hearing this only Gandhiji wrote in Young India condemning Moplah rebellion) Since it was a Monday and Gandhiji used to observe a vow of silence on that day, He couldn’t say anything to me. But his facial expressions conveyed clearly what was in his mind. I went back to Malabar again. Later on due to other preoccupations I could not return to Malabar again. Some prominent Muslim s had written me a few days back that the witch hunting by Malabar Police continues unabated even now and the Muslim youth consider death better option than continuing living in the present situation.”"

"…. I conveyed to Mahatma Gandhi certain ideas which were burning in my mind for some time to know his opinion. I asked Mahatma ji as to what help I should extend to stop the communal splits and differences that happened in Malabar and restore peace and tranquility there. This question brightened his face very much. He said that he was worried and constantly thinking about his failiure in duty by not visiting Malabar and expressing his regrets, even under threat of arrest and imprisonment, in view of the ban put by the government against his entering Malabar. He also said that he will have a lot peace of mind and greatly relieved if I visited the place forthwith, personally. It was then that I could realize the limitless affection he had for the Moplahs of Malabar. Though the Moplahs had committed very heinous crimes, he instilled in me a feeling of love eradicating the hatred caused by the atrocities. Every word he spoke displayed the deep love he kept in his mind. Had the government permitted him to travel to the rebellion affected areas in the early stages itself, he would have entered those spots completely unarmed and helpless. If the Moplahs by their ignorance and unaware of the qualities of this great soul, made any attempt on his life, he would have accepted such death valiantly and with a smiling face, quite confident of the fact that his blood would have served to instill peace and tolerance in the minds of the Moplahs. On the other hand if they did understand him correctly, he would have been successful in making them lay down their arms and embrace the Hindus as their brothers as well as removing the hatred in the minds of Hindus and accepting the Muslim s as their own brothers."

"I do not regard myself as a poet. And I am not saying this out of modesty. People say I am, but I really am not. I think a poet is someone who writes poetry oftenly. I don’t. I do so only occasionally – once in a very long while. For instance, if somebody had written an article or two on a particular topic in history, would you call that person a historian? To me, a poet is somebody who is always at it – composing poetry regularly, which I don’t. People just decided to call me a poet because of this one book, Sauti ya Dhiki, which I wrote when I was in prison. Perhaps if I would not have been imprisoned, maybe I would not have written any poetry. I do not know. So I do not regard myself as a poet, but as somebody who happened to have scribbled a few poems."

"Imprisonment failed to break me. In fact it made me stronger. I came out of prison with a stronger conviction than when I went in. I always say jokingly that I thank the government for sending me to prison, because while there I got to know myself better and what I was capable of. That is why I continued with political activism after my release."

"The truth is, that the British Empire with its Indian appendage, is also a monstrosity. If the present unnatural relation between England and India continues, it can only lead, as it has done to such a rapid pace already to a continually increasing bitterness on both sides. But if the bond of subjection is finally and ultimately unloosed, then mutual respect may succeed to mutual hate."

"Because by writing, such writers – especially those who were imprisoned because of their writing, and while in prison were denied writing materials – are at the same time defying the powers that be and making a very bold statement that there is no way that they can be stopped from expressing their views through writing. In other words, by doing so they continue to resist against the very system, which imprisoned and restricted them."

""When the British first appeared on the scene, India was one of the richest countries of the world; indeed, it was her great riches that attracted the British to her shores. For 2,500 years before the British came on the scene and robbed her of her freedom, India was self-ruling and one of the most influential and illustrious nations of the world." "This wealth," says was created by the Hindus' vast and varied industries. Nearly every kind of manufacture or product known to the civilized world - nearly every kind of creation of Man's brain and hand, existing anywhere, and prized either for its utility or beauty - had long, long been produced in India. India was a far greater industrial and manufacturing nation than any in Europe or than any other in Asia. Her textile goods - the fine products of her loom, in cotton, wool, linen, and silk - were famous over the civilized world; so were her exquisite jewelry and her precious stones, cut in every lovely form; so were her pottery, porcelains, ceramics of every kind, quality, color and beautiful shape; so were her fine works in metal - iron, steel, silver and gold. She had great architecture - equal in beauty to any in the world. She had great engineering works. She had great merchants, great business men, great bankers and financiers. Not only was she the greatest ship-building nation, but she had great commerce and trade by land and sea which extended to all known civilized countries. Such was the India which the British found when they came."

"Republics actually existed in India at least as early as the days of the Buddha (6th century before Christ). The republican form of government in ancient India had a duration of at least a thousand years. We have records of no other country, ancient or modern, where republics have existed and continued for so long a period. Even more important than her republics has been the spirit of freedom and democracy which has manifested itself in many forms among the Indian people from the earliest ages. The Vedas show that the principle of representative government were held by the ancient Aryans 12-13 centuries before the Christian era.""

"The fact is, not Europe but Asia seems to have been the cradle of political liberty, the cradle of democratic and republican government, in the world ... research makes it clear that the democratic and republican institutions of Europe and America actually send their roots back to Asia, and especially to India."

"Nicolás Guillén brought an Afro-Cuban essence into poems that still enable us to hear the drumbeat of cultures unbroken by the Middle Passage. His poetry helped put the negrista movement on the map."

"For many years I have said, following the tradition of Nicolás Guillén, Fernando Ortiz and Alejo Carpentier, that whoever wants to understand Cuba cannot ignore its mestizo condition in which the Hispanic and African components cannot be divided because they have created a cosmovisión that is authentically original."

"That victory of 1959 produced a "before" and "after" unlike anything elsewhere or since. For Cuban poets born at the beginning of the twentieth century, such as Nicolás Guillén and Dulce María Loynaz...it meant an entirely different life. Guillén welcomed and embraced it."

"Some time in that period also I discovered the writing of Nicolás Guillén from Cuba and there was a permission to write the way my neighbors spoke."

"All of us must play our part in the success of this beautiful house we call Namibia. We need to renew it from time to time by undergoing renovations and extensions. I therefore invite the youth of this country to bring their ingenuity, innovation and idealism to contribute to building a solid Namibian house. The journey ahead will be full of excitement. I am confident that Namibia will continue to pursue its developmental agenda and remain a haven of peace, stability and prosperity in a world full of turmoil."

"Although we are not yet out of the woods and should not rest on our laurels, together, we have survived the fiercest onslaught of the pandemic. To restore what we have lost, we have to stay together and build back a Namibia where nobody is left behind and to cultivate a Namibia that is resilient, united and forward thinking."

"In a democracy, we will have differences of opinion on how we approach the development question, but we are all Namibians, and the well-being of our country is of utmost importance to each one of us. This is a time that demands a collective mindset, a different way of doing things, and an understanding that Namibia and its citizens’ well-being has and will always be greater and more important than individuals. Fate calls on us to remove the walls of partisan thinking and assume the mantle of unity to ensure that we emerge from the rough waves we have faced and continue sailing towards the shores of peace, equity and prosperity. It is our collective duty to hold hands and reimage our Nation so that we can move forward as a Namibia ready to achieve her destiny; A Namibia defined by unity and shared national identity; A Namibia defined by peace and social harmony, and a Namibia defined by new economic opportunities and growth."

"Our country has enjoyed good rains and the Namibian landscape is looking its best. The lush greenery is a pleasure to behold. That is our State of the Nation. It is green. Not just green hydrogen but a green, healthy landscape which requires all of us to put our shoulder to the wheel and sow. What we sow, we shall harvest."

"I can tell you, we are out of the woods, I think. The economy is going to pick up. These are the things we need to look forward to. Not somebody who is praying for Namibia to fail. How can citizens pray [for failure]."

"Namibia is a child of international solidarity, midwifed by the United Nations. Therefore, we are convinced about solidarity and partnership as critical enablers of our developmental aspirations."

"Self-determination is a human right. The continued injustices meted out against the people of Palestine are a reminder of the urgent need to start implementing the two-state solution as the only viable alternative that can end inequality and bring peace to both the peoples of Palestine, Israel and indeed the region."

"I am confident that the indomitable spirit of the Namibian people and the unity that binds us will prevail, and together, as One Namibia One Nation, we will surmount our challenges and rise towards our national destiny of shared prosperity like a phoenix."

"It is important for us to preserve and promote our cultural values, traditional norms and heritage is in order to mould our national identity. In this regard, I believe that as an African country, we must encourage our children to appreciate and develop interest in our cultural values and traditional norms."

"The maintenance of peace and stability in the country is imperative for socio economic development. Where there is no peace and stability, surely, there will be no meaningful development. Therefore, we must ensure the smooth transition, from generation to generation, to build on past successes, and progress to new generation."

"If I am allowed to elaborate on the important aspect of peace, security and stability, it is common knowledge that the on-going debate about the need for social, economic and political reforms in Africa centres on issues of peace, security and development. These are viewed as necessary conditions for social stability and the promotion of human security."

"However, I am always conscious that despites our tireless and time tested work towards reconciliation, unity of action and purpose, national reconciliation as well as peace and stability that shaped Namibia into the democratic, peaceful and stable country it has become, the accolades bestowed upon some of us belong to our collective national efforts."

"Our common destiny, as Africans, is defined by peace, security, development and prosperity; free from poverty, disease, underdevelopment and conflicts. We want a continent whose citizens occupy a pride of place among the people of the world. We want a continent that has reclaimed its pre-eminence as a centre of technological innovation, scientific excellence and cultural advancement."

"Africa needs to develop its own processes, systems, courts and institutions. It would help us to be self sufficient. We must build lasting institutions …not something imposed from foreign countries."

"The health of our planet is in serious jeopardy. Our home is on fire, we are experiencing unprecedented impacts of climate change, including severe droughts and ravaging field fires. Time is a luxury we do not have. We have to act decisively to reduce carbon emissions as our contribution to the preservation of our planet and people."

"After Namibia’s independence was secured, we needed to develop a new narrative for an independent country that had been fractured by apartheid. We had to overcome the hatred of the past – hatred between blacks and whites, and between different linguistic and ethnic groups. We focused on reconciling Namibia to ensure peace. We succeeded in building a reconciled society."

"Taking the destiny of our country in our own hands meant, among other things, making a great effort to forge a national identity based on a common resolve and unity of purpose and action as well as set for ourselves higher standards of equality, justice and opportunity for all our people irrespective of colour, race, ethnic or place of origin."

"History has taught us how the enemies of peace, freedom and social progress have caused division, political instability and economic sabotage in some sisterly countries on the African continent and embarked upon maneuvers and machinations in order to mislead and converts some of our fellow African compatriots and turns them against their own people with the view to reverse the gains of our freedom and independence."

"The best way in which we can address social and economic inequalities in our country is by ensuring that all our people, especially the youth, are provided with quality education."

"When the Founding Fathers were calling for African Unity, they were calling for economic emancipation, co-operation and integration of the entire African continent; because they fully understood that political freedom would remain insufficient and meaningless unless it was accompanied by genuine economic independence."

"It is well known that Africa is one of the richest regions of the world. For example, the Southern Africa region contains a variety of resources, including natural gas, coal, uranium, diamonds, gold, platinum, perennial rivers etc. These resources must be harnessed to improve the standards of living of all our people. For that to happen, we should embark upon strategies which promote manufacturing and add value to our natural resources. In that manner we will not only be able to create wealth but will also be able to enhance economic growth and improve the competitiveness of our economies in the international markets."

"As you are all aware, the achievement of freedom and independence of our continent was only a critical point of departure but not the destination. For this reason, our youth should become active participants in the socio-economic development of our continent in order to take it to the advanced level of development. We should therefore continue to educate our youth and equip them with relevant technical skills, knowledge, cultural norms and values. In this way, we will be able to achieve our strategic objectives, namely the eradication of poverty, disease, ignorance and under-development."

"I also urge our youth to reject tribalism and the social evils of alcohol and drug abuse, violence against women and children as well as to remain focused on pursuits that are aimed at building a better future for themselves and our country. Furthermore, the youth are the backbone and future leaders of our continent. They should therefore study hard and equip themselves with relevant skills and knowledge so that we can produce our own medical doctors, agriculturalists, engineers, geologists and other technical personnel who will play a meaningful role in the socio-economic development of our country in order for us to eradicate hunger, ignorance and diseases from the face of our continent."

"A united people, striving to achieve a common good for all members of the society, will always emerge victorious."