educators-from-india

"Specifically, time machines are impossible, since realistic time travel implies spontaneity (different from chance). The novel features of this model can be expected to be especially prominent at the microphysical level of biological macromolecules and single particles."

"But how trustworthy is that authority? Are mathematicians more honest than church priests? Uncritical acceptance of authority always invites abuse of authority, and mathematicians are no exception."

"But Hoodbhoy declares the belief in “laws” to be the basis of physics because of his ideological and colonial commitment to slavish imitation of Christian superstitions about laws of nature, an ideology he wants to force on people using the authority of science, just like Macaulay. What he is using is just a modification of the preacher’s doomsday argument (“Covid is round the corner; repent and uncritically accept the authority of science”). Scientists are not more honest than other humans: there are any number of scientists who were and are rascals, just as there are any number of doctors today who are commercialised and dishonest. One uncritically trusts their authority at one’s peril. One can understand why Imran Khan, in a televised debate, got irritated enough to ask Hoodbhoy what he was paid for his propaganda!"

"Let us understand one easy implication of this. The claim that the “Greek” proof of the “Pythagorean theorem” in the “Euclid” book is “superior” to its Indian proof is complete balderdash, though lots of “reliable sources” have asserted it. The actual “Euclid” book uses the same principles of proof as the Indian notion of proof, but is only a lot more prolix."

"While there is nothing Vedic in “Vedic mathematics”, there is church dogma in formal mathematics."

"note here that the long-standing claims of Euclid's existence, and the surprisingly flimsy evidence on which they are based, also provide an example of the de facto standards of evidence in historiography—standards to decide origin and transmission that should either be uniformly applied elsewhere or rejected here as well."

"But the primary rule of Western faith-based history of math, as one should well understand by now, is that myth is evidence, and all evidence contrary to the myth, even if this is evidence in front of one's eyes, should be thrown out to preserve the myth."

"It would be rather pointless and confusing to retain in these books information that was incorrect or defective or inaccurate. That is to say, books on science and mathematics would naturally be propagated accretively, with the addition of numerous anonymous updates, though no one maintained a revision history. Certainly Arab authors in Baghdad, for example, were actively disinterested in verbatim translations, but were interested rather more in useful paraphrases and creative reworking."

"Such forgeries were common enough... So unenviable was the reputation that priests had acquired in this matter that Isaac Newton spent 50 years of his life trying to undo the forgeries that he thought various priests had incorporated into the Bible, to serve their temporal ends. And the only answer to his scholarly and voluminous accusations was to hide them for some 250 years—in fact they still remain secret."

"The khichdi geometry in the NCERT text for Class 9 is indigestible because it has mixed up the Elements by mixing up elements that ought not to be taken together—like diazepam and alcohol—unless the object is to induce a comatose state."

"Of course, it is well known from the philosophy of science that any evidence whatsoever can be made consistent with any theory whatsoever by introducing enough auxiliary hypotheses."

"To recapitulate, in mathematics, the East-West civilizational clash may be represented by the question of pramâna vs proof: is pramâna (validation), which involves pratyaksa (the empirically manifest), not valid proof? The pratyaksa or the empirically manifest is the one pramâna that is accepted by all major Indian schools of thought, and this is incorporated into the Indian way of doing mathematics, while the same pratyaksa, since it concerns the empirical, is regarded as contingent, and is entirely rejected in Western mathematics. Does mathematics relate to calculation, or is it primarily concerned with proving theorems? Does the Western idea of mathematical proof capture the notions of ‘certainty’ or ‘necessity’ in some sense? Should mathematics-as-calculation be taught primarily for its practical value, or should mathematics-as-proof be taught as a spiritual exercise?"

"If one excludes the philosophy of science from the ambit of a study of its history, then one is obliged to do history with the default philosophy of science. In our case this means that one must then accept the present-day Western philosophy of mathematics, not only as a privileged philosophy, but as the only possible philosophy of mathematics."

"No Western historian, to my knowledge, has commented on the curious fact that the theory of planetary motion in the West developed without the availability of appropriate planetary data. To begin with, every purported observation in “Ptolemy’s” Almagest is fabricated, and obtained by back-calculation. There is not a single known exception to this."

"The second consequence follows from the first: for if the Indian infinite series were established using a method of calculation and demonstration that does not constitute a formal mathematical proof, valid according to the present-day belief in the potency of formalism, then the Indian infinite series may forever have to be consigned to the status of "proto- calculus", or at best "pre-calculus", for that is how Western historians of science would surely like to classify them, if at all they are compelled to link these Indian infinite series to the infinitesimal calculus in Europe. After all, Indian infinite series were very similar to, if not identical with, the series used by Cavalieri, Fermat, Pascal, Barrow, Gregory, and Wallis, and these efforts are already classified as “pre-calculus” by Western historians of science. While such a strategy of classification and labelling may suit the political interests and the morbid narcissism of the West, it works against the grain of history regarded as an attempt to reconstruct the past."

"the term “sine” derives from sinus meaning fold, from the Arabic jaib, meaning fold for a pocket. This was written as “jb” omitting the vowels, but was intended to be read as jı̄bā, from the Indian term jı̄vā corresponding to the earlier Sanskrit jyā used for the chord. Possibly, the name “Euclid” was inspired by a similar translation error made at Toledo regarding the term uclides which has been rendered by some Arabic authors as ucli (key) + des (direction, space). So, uclides, meaning “the key to geometry”, was possibly misinterpreted as a Greek name Euclides."

"The rope (or string) is flexible in more ways than one and can be used to do everything that can be done with a compass-box. It can further be used to measure the length of a curved line, impossible with the instruments in a compass- box. This is helpful for the measurement of angles, and the subsequent transition to trigonometry and calculus."

"It is a common error to confound quasi-cyclic time with eternal recurrence. It was not generally believed that these cosmic cycles were exact or eternal. The whole possibility of deliverance – moksa, nirvāna – was premised on the idea that these cycles were neither exact nor eternal. (However, the category of cyclic time encourages such an error by suggesting that various types of cyclic time are the same.) In India, this was the traditional view of time and life after death held from before the time of the Buddha. The Lokāyata denied the belief in life after death as a fraud. An interesting feature of this denial is how Pāyāsi sought to establish the non-existence of the soul by performing some 37 experiments with dying men, and condemned felons. It is unlikely that such experiments were ever performed anywhere else."

"This book, since it presents a new account of Indian history, inevitably involves a critique of Western history. However, some Western scholars, recognizing the intrinsic weakness of that history, tend to respond to any critique of Western history not by examining the evidence (which would expose it) but by launching personal attacks on the critic with labels—in this case, the label "Hindu nationalist" seems to commonly arise to the tongues of shallow scholars. Now I completely fail to see why the only choice one has is between different kinds of hate politics— why the rejection of Western racist history necessarily implies the acceptance of some other kind of hate politics. ... It is easy to find many people who oppose one kind of hate politics while being "soft" on another set: however, as stated above, I fail to see why one's choice should be restricted to different brands of hate politics. I am not in any such camp, my stated system of ethics does not admit hate politics of any kind, and I oppose all attempts to mix religion with politics... Suppose “Hindu nationalists” were to seize power, strangle dissent by passing laws to kill dissenters, in painful ways, and then continuously expand their power through multiple genocide for the next 1700 years. What sort of history would emerge? We do not need to imagine very hard, for we have a concrete model before us, in the sort of Western history that has been written since Eusebius! Because of the long history of brutal suppression of dissent in the West, various fantasies, contrary to the barest common sense, have been allowed to pile up, and these continue today to masquerade as the scholarly truth."

"Only when it started emerging from the Dark Age did Europe first come to know of the Elements—through 12th c. translations from Arabic into Latin by Adelard of Bath and Gerard of Cremona—after the capture of the Toledo library, and the setting up there of a translation factory. However, at this time of the Crusades, there was a strong sense of shame in learning from the Islamic enemy. Also at the time of the Inquisition, the fears that Toledo was a Trojan horse that would spread heresy could not be lightly discounted. The shame was contained by the strategy of "Hellenization"—all the world knowledge, up to the 11th c. CE found in the Arabic books (including, for example, Indian knowledge) was indiscriminately assigned an early Greek origin, with the Arabs assigned the role of mere transmitters (and the Indians nowhere in the picture). The fear of heresy was contained by the strategy of Christianization of this incoming knowledge, by reinterpreting it to bring it in line with the requirements of Christian theology."

"The Elements not only acquired a theologically-correct origin, it also acquired a theologically-correct interpretation. Plato and Neoplatonists had linked geometry and mathematics to the soul. The revised interpretation rejected this linkage as heretical. Mathematics was reinterpreted as “a universal means of compelling argument”."

"We have seen a number of difficulties raised by sceptics about the belief in life after death; these difficulties evaporate in the context of cosmic recurrence."

"The trigonometric values published by Clavius ... provide further circumstantial evidence that the Jesuits had obtained the latest Indian texts on mathematics and astronomy.’"

"In writing about physics, as distinct from mathematics or astronomy, in early Indian traditions, one is immediately struck by the apparent paucity of material—the available commentaries in English suggest that there is little beyond the Purusa Sukta, the pancabhutis and atomism."

"Moving to pragmatic and people-oriented standards rather than the Westerm-oriented standards of the elite will hopefully also restore the idea of science as relating to our immediate surroundings, both social and natural."

"It seems part of human nature that if one desires something strongly one pretends that it is true. If the pretence is carried out long enough, it becomes difficult to distinguish between pretence and reality."

"The history of astronomy and physics in texts should be fundamentally revised. It should be pointed out, for example, that a scientific evaluation of the evidence indicates that Claudius Ptolemy did not exist (this would also teach students a lesson on how and why to do physics practicals in a more genuine way). It should also point out that Copernicus was no revolutionary, that Newton was a deeply religious person, and that Einstein might have played legalistic tricks which a patent clerk is expected to know. There are many other aspects of history and physics nomenclature which need to be revised (in texts)."

"From the historiographic angle, the confounding of Euclid of Megara with Euclid the supposed author of the Elements is interesting. While the occurrence of such a mistake is understandable, its persistence for five centuries is not. The persistence of this error for centuries shows that that stories about "Euclid" were propagated, by historians in Europe, exactly in the uncritical manner of myth."

"Lack of education leads to lack of wisdom; lack of wisdom leads to lack of morals."

"We shall overcome and success will be ours in the future. The future belongs to us."

"Sir, I haven’t resigned owing to anger against you. As far as I am concerned, serving Sri Rama is greater than this Government job. He who gives food to the whole world won’t make me starve. My late father too, retired as a Shekhdaar. But his era was different. People still had unquestioning, unsullied devotion in matters of God and Puja. But now, times are rapidly changing. I’ve worked under you all these years and I know that you are a devout and Dharmic man. However, if tomorrow a Christian or Muslim or an Englishman sits in your place, would he have the same respect for my devotional practices? What would be my condition then? I would then need to either abandon my devotion to Sri Rama or quit this job. However, Government authority is an addiction, which can’t be given up easily. Who knows how my mind will change? It’s better I quit now."

"The ancient bed of the Ghaggar has a constant width of about 6 to 8 km from Shatrana in Punjab to Marot in Pakistan. The bed stands out very clearly having a dark tone in the black-and-white imagery and reddish one in false colour composites. There is a clear palaeo-channel south-east of the river Markanda which joins the bed of the Ghaggar near Shatrana. The present Sarasvati mostly flows through this channel. (1984: 495) Our studies show that the Satluj was the main tributary of the Ghaggar and that subsequently the tectonic movements may have forced the Satluj westward and the Ghaggar dried. (Ibid.: 494) As discussed above, during the period 4–5 millennia BP northwestern Rajasthan was a much greener place with the Sarasvati flowing through it. Some of the present rivers joined to make the Sarasvati a mighty river which probably discharged into the sea (Rann of Kutch) through the Nara, without joining the Indus."

"While the major branches of the main trunk gathered strength, looked healthy, and spread far and wide, the latter, at the same time, withered, shriveled, and failed to show any indication of life and vitality and disappeared from sight and was lost for ever with- out leaving any trace or mark that might lead to its identification, nor could any fossil remains of it be detected or found out, so that it could be inferred that such a society in such a stage of development existed at one time, on the surface of the earth. . . . A story so imperfect in every important respect is put forward seriously for people to be- lieve in and accept as an authentic account of the ancient history of the Indo-European race. (59)"

"They Will Get Voting Rights. That’s How It Will Affect."

"Hindutva really means, as understood by its advocates, conformity to the idea that India has primarily been a Hindu rashtra. It is not a religious philosophy or a social reform movement. It is a political philosophy based on cultural chauvinism, which insists that the non-Hindus of India accept their place as "minorities", whose safety and security will depend on their ability to earn the "goodwill of the majority". At the heart of the Hindutva ideology is the idea that the good of a majority should also be seen as the good for any minority, and that any assertion of minority rights is essentially a threat and a challenge to the political authority of the majority. Such minorities, therefore, are seen by the Hindutva advocates as anti-national and anti-social. Besides, any attempt by a minority to swell their numbers is seen by the Hindutva votaries as aggression. Hence, conversion to Christianity or a Hindu girl’s marriage to a Muslim or a Christian are seen as undesirable and provocative acts."

"The creation of India and Pakistan were pyrrhic victories for their denizens because the political, socioeconomic, psychological, and culture havoc wreaked by that momentous event is reflected in those pogroms, ethnic cleansing, proliferation of nuclear weapons, poverty, and riots that continue to cause seismic tremors in the Indian subcontinent."

"In Kashmir, rights relating to life, liberty, dignity of the people, and freedom of expression guaranteed by the Constitution, embodied in the fundamental covenants and enforceable by courts of law, have been gravely violated."

"The increasing communalization of Indian politics is a juggernaut that annihilates the myth of secularism in India."

"“But the unfortunate aspect is that he examined Waqai reports from one angle – that is he only saw the problem of succession of Ajit Singh and totally ignored the high-handedness of the Mughal officials in the form of bricking the doors of the temples, demolition of temples, confiscation of the property relating to the trusts of those temples which were demolished during the period 1679-80.” (p. 148)"

"Prof. M. Athar Ali was a great historian. Very few people could match him in his profound knowledge of Persian historical texts and students of history will remain grateful to him for his innovative writings. But it is a tragedy that even such great historians propound theories and pronounce decisions on the basis of a single source of unsubstantiated information which is in contradiction to other available informations... When Prof. Ali knows that these valiant Rajputs had sacrificed all these assignments and were ready to die, then such calumny against a valiant race is a gross injustice to them and a daunting distortion of historical facts.... Thus, University students are being taught false history to defend an indefensible policy of a ruler who was a religious bigot in toto. Please have some mercy on glorious history!"

"Despite the annual embarrassment of India scoring a poor rank on the , nutrition and hunger hardly merit a mention in the budget speeches of our finance ministers. The last time there was anything related to tackling malnutrition among women and children was in 2014-15 – the first budget of the Narendra Modi government – where Arun Jaitley announced that a national nutrition mission would be launched. [...] Notwithstanding its positioning, budget 2020 in effect fails on many counts to respond to the nutrition challenge in India. The direct programmes which address the multidimensional nature of malnutrition including the ICDS, mid-day meals, PMMVY and Poshan Abhiyan are underfunded and at the same time PDS which contributes to basic food security is sought to be undermined. The government seems to be oblivious to the situation of hunger in the country. It further seeks to create an illusion of plenty by arguing in the Economic Survey in its chapter on 'Thalinomics' that food affordability has increased in the last few years. This chapter is based on a flawed methodology where it compares food prices as a proportion of incomes of workers in organised manufacturing who comprise less than 5% workers in India and does not take into account that wages for the majority have been stagnating and unemployment is at its peak."

"This might appear ironic, but in spite of a comparatively higher degree of repression, the lack of popular protest is more because of the success of the regime in constructing and popularising a narrative that not just delegitimises but simply denies the existence of suffering, injustice and . This is the narrative of subverting reality into its opposite. In this world of alternative reality, the victim is the offender (as in case of Muslims), suffering is sacrifice if not ill-informed exaggeration (as in the case of migrants’ plight) and marginalisation or exclusion are outcomes of past politics (as in the case of Dalits or Adivasis). This narrative posits two contrasting social camps. One is the nation. It represents unity, progress and a possible millennium. All else is fragmentary and divisive. So any voice speaking of a particular group's suffering becomes a hurdle in the march of the nation; any coalition of the marginalised by definition assumes an anti-national tenor. Such is the power of the narrative that the facts of suffering, humiliation or injustice lose their evocative potential; they cease to scandalise, they are unable to evoke a moral response. Democracy can thus afford the co-existence of multiple injustices and a quiet citizenry when such narratives are able to reconstruct facts and convince the masses of the validity of that reconstruction. The silence today is a result of the popular acceptance of reconstructed reality and adherence to an alternative morality."

"The emphasis has been twofold: That the state knows, the state is right, the state must be privileged, and that citizen action is suspect, potentially disruptive and liable to punishment. It is in the backdrop of this subdued rights discourse and de-legitimised agency of the people that the current moment has unfolded wherein criticism is almost seditious, claiming rights for marginalised sections can be termed as waging war against the state and empathising with victims of social injustice is ridiculed or forbidden. The current regime has converted the penchant for sub-democratic state action into a fearsome art."

"The practice of democracy has the notorious tendency to become paradoxical. It begins in the name of the "demos" but goes on to construct the demos rather narrowly; oftentimes, sections of the population manage to ensconce themselves as "the people", they count as the public, their ideas masquerade as the people's ideas. This inevitably produces a layered citizenry. Democracy also starts off by investing agency in the individuals but sooner or later divests them of that agency as interference by the ignorant. Democracy inspires ideas of rights but allows the taming of rights for purposes of order. In short, it is these tensions between the elite and the masses, between active citizens and obedient citizens, between rights and order, that mark the life of democracies. This is not merely about the distance between theory and practice, between concept and its concrete life. It is about imagining that the course of democracy is predetermined. Democratic politics needs to be carved out with effort, rather than believing that adopting formal democracy automatically ensures vibrant democratic practice."

"The approach of the Indian state to citizen participation has always been based on arrogance. It is also informed by overemphasis on the rhetoric of . The former leads the state to believe that citizens are not, and should not be, active agents. This means that citizens must wait for leaders to mobilise them and guide and supervise their actions. Similarly, citizens must depend on the largesse of the state in deciding what is good for them. This gives rise to the syndrome of government as caretaker/parent and leaders as political chaperons. The Indian state also privileges the idea of law and order. If a parental state negates the idea that people have agency, the emphasis on law and order legitimises that negation. Thus, the discourse of rights and individual dignity becomes permissible only if it is subservient to the statist idea of "order". Legislative imagination, judicial interpretation and public perception are all stacked against the idea of the citizen as protestor. In contrast to the legacy of the freedom movement, democracy and popular participation are seen, both theoretically and legally, as inconsistent with, and often even opposed to, an orderly society."

"India seems to have lost that urge to consistently relate to injustice as an assault on democracy. Be it plight of migrants or minorities, their failure to strike wider chord tells truths about us. [...] There was no public outcry over this human tragedy and the victims themselves chose to mostly suffer in silence. They may have grumbled, or cursed under their breath, but our democracy does not seem to have encouraged them to really assert or demand their rights. Not just migrants, minorities too have been subjected to the untold misery of being excluded from the idea of the public. And more routinely, women, rural poor, Dalits and Adivasis have been objects of humiliation."

"The health care system will soon be placed in a very difficult situation where they have to make a choice between who to provide care to and who to simply say, 'sorry, we can’t do anything for you'."

"Finally, the Prime Minister has to realise that more than anything else, he will be remembered in history most by how he and his government handled this grave national peril. His leadership will require bringing the country together in a way that has not been his government’s strong suit. He needs to strongly lead with a spirit of cooperation with all states (such as a regular conference call with all the chief minsters), reach out to the political opposition and to all communities. History will then remember him as a healer and unifier, which will be critical to pull the country out from a spiraling national crisis."

"Five, the government needs to recognise that in a crisis of this magnitude it needs the best expertise and competence, whether bureaucrats (serving or retired), or personnel from the private sector and civil society. Loyalty and ideology may have their place — but the costs today are simply too grave and manifest."

"Four, from health care to supply chains, from the civil services to public utility personnel, several million Indians will necessarily be part of maintaining essential services. They are serving the country at considerable risk to themselves. They need to have first claims to personal protective equipment and testing and better life insurance."