1030568 quotes found
"Iâm not for nationalization because of the rhetoric of nationalization, or because I see in nationalization the cure-all for every injustice. Iâm for nationalization in cases where itâs necessary."
"In India, women have never been in hostile competition with men-even in the most distant past, every time a woman emerged as a leader, perhaps as a queen, the people accepted her. As something normal and not exceptional. Letâs not forget that in India the symbol of strength is a woman; the goddess Shakti. Not only thatâthe struggle for inde pendence here has been conducted in equal measure by men and by women. And when we got our independence, no one forgot that. In the Western world, on the other hand, nothing of the kind has ever happenedâwomen have participated, yes, but revolutions have always been made by men alone."
"Yes, itâs true. Itâs true that Joan of Arc was my dream as a little girl. I discovered her toward the age of ten or twelve, when I went to France. I donât remember where I read about her, but I recall that she immediately took on a definite importance for me. I wanted to sacrifice my life for my country. It seems like foolishness and yet ... what happens when weâre children is engraved forever in our lives."
"Happiness is such a fleeting point of viewâthereâs no such thing as continual happiness. There are only moments of happinessâfrom contentment to ecstasy. And if by happiness you mean ecstasy ... Yes, Iâve known ecstasy, and itâs a blessing to be able to say it because those who can say it are very few. But ecstasy doesnât last long and is seldom ever repeated. If by happiness you mean an ordinary contentment, then yesâIâm fairly contented. Not satisfiedâcontented. Satisfied is a word I use only in reference to my country, and Iâll never be satisfied for my country. For this reason I go on taking difficult paths, and between a paved road and a footpath that goes up the mountain, I choose the footpath. To the great irritaÂtion of my bodyguards."
"Before Washington, Indira Gandhi stopped in New York, where she dazzled Hannah Arendt, herself a longtime critic of British rule in India. The political theorist breathlessly described Gandhi as âvery good-looking, almost beautiful, very charming, flirting with every man in the room, without chichi, and entirely calmâshe must have known already that she was going to make war and probably enjoyed it even in a perverse way. The toughness of these women once they have got what they wanted is really something!â"
"Mrs. Gandhi has only one dream: to take over the whole subcontinent, to subjugate us... I donât even respect her. To me sheâs a mediocre woman with a mediocre intelligence. Thereâs nothing great about her; only the country she governs is great. I mean, itâs the throne that makes her seem tall, though actually she is very small. And also the name she bears. Believe me, if she was prime minister of Ceylon, sheâd be nothing but another Mrs. Bandaranaike [who] got there by the simple fact of being Bandaranaikeâs widow, and Mrs Gandhi by the simple fact of being Nehruâs daughter."
"Mrs. Gandhi [came to power] by the simple fact of being Nehruâs daughter. Without having Nehru's light. With all her saris, the red spot on her forehead, her little smile, she'll never succeed in impressing me. She's never impressed me."
"The unceremonious exit of Mr. M.C. Chagla from her Cabinet and the relaxation of the rule prohibiting polygamy among Muslim employees of the Central Government are but two examples of the concessions she [Indira Gandhi] is making to Muslim communalism."
"In the end, Indira Gandhi has earned her name as a great martyr on the doorsteps of history. With her courage and efficiency, she demonstrated that only she understood the realities of our corrupt and divided society and was capable of uniting the country dominated by rotten politics. She was a great woman and in her valiant death, she has become greater."
"Indira Gandhi was the least egotistical great statesman I ever met. She hardly ever talked about herself; she could reduce all personal questions to a proper perspective. She was much more interested in the great political questions: the way the world was going, how the unity of her beloved India could be preserved, how the poverty of her people could be broken, how nuclear annihilation could be averted."
"Billy Graham details his 1972 trip to India and his meeting with Indira Gandhi during that trip in his autobiography. About his mandate to meet Indira Gandhi, Graham writes: President Nixon, at the request of the American consul in New Delhi, had personally asked me to seek an interview with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, in part to find out from her what kind of ambassador she wanted from America. He asked me to notice every single thing about herâthe movement of her hands, the expression on her face, how her eyes looked. âWhen youâve finished the interview,â he said to me, âgo to the American embassy and dictate your report to me.â And so, when I visited with Mrs. Gandhi in the Indian capital, I put the question to her. She told me she wanted someone who understood economics, who had the ear of the President, and who had influence in Congress. This I reported to the President. He later appointed Daniel Patrick Moynihan. Whether my report influenced the Presidentâs decision, I never learned."
"The future patroness of compulsory sterilization had become, in the meantime, head of the government."
"She's a real pruneâbitter, kind of pushy, horrible woman."
"You want it in one line? Does it have to fit in 80 columns?"
"All language designers are arrogant. Goes with the territory..."
"Besides, including <std_ice_cubes.h> is a fatal error on machines that don't have it yet. Bad language design, there..."
"She was a woman of immense stature whose life was full of turmoil, challenge and great achievement. From the age of 12, when she joined the non-co-operation movement, her whole life was given to securing the emancipation of her country, first in the struggle for independence and then in the even more monumental task of economic and political development. Mrs. Gandhi knew, in the words of her friend, Aneurin Bevan, that political liberty is the by-product of economic sufficiency. In that knowledge she fought a lifelong contest against poverty and against war, the bringer of poverty. For nearly 20 years...Indira Gandhi was the most important figure in that country. Throughout that time the principles that guided her were devotion to the maintenance of parliamentary democracy and determination to produce tolerance and common purpose out of the diversity and distinctiveness of the peoples of India."
"The question before us is not whether Indira Gandhi should continue to be prime minister or not. The point is whether democracy in this country is to survive or not. The democratic structure stands on three pillars, namely a strong opposition, independent judiciary and free press. Emergency has destroyed all these essentials."
"She [Mrs Gandhi] has still today overwhelming support in the country. I believe the prime minister of India will continue in office until the electorate of India decides otherwise."
"In keeping with the great secrecy involved in India's efforts to develop and test its first nuclear explosive device, the project employed no more than 75 scientists and engineers working on it in the period from 1967 to 1974. Of course this does not count the thousands of individuals required to build and operate the infrastructure supporting BARC and to produce the plutonium for the device. Outside of those actually working on the project, only about three other people in India knew of it - Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, her trusted adviser and former principal secretary P.N. Haksar, and her current principal secretary D.P. Dhar. No government ministers, including the Defense Minister, were informed. The implosion system was designed to compress the core to twice its normal density. The lenses that were developed used the fast-slow explosive design pioneered by the U.S. in World War II. Like the Gadget exploded at Trinity in 1945, they used an RDX-TNT mixture as the fast explosive, with baratol (barium nitrate and TNT) used as the slow explosive. Chengappa describes the inner slow explosive component as being in the shape of "Shiva ling am" -- a phallus in Hindu religious art which is squat and blunt in form. The device used 12 lens, which is described by Chengappa [pg. 182]: "the way the explosives were placed around the plutonium sphere resembled the petals of the lotus". This presumably indicates that each hemisphere of the implosion system consisted of 6 longitudinal lens segments (asymmetric diamond shaped lenses) joined together at the pole so that they formed triangular teeth at the equator which interlocked with the opposite hemisphere. This design is simpler and less sophisticated than the 32-lens "soccer ball" system developed by the U.S. during World War II."
"We should remember that she probably lost her life in defending the unity of her country, that most precious asset, with its democracy. We should also remember that perhaps her greatest legacy is that she hands to her son a united and democratic country."
"Indira is India and India is Indira."
"This despicable act has robbed India of a great and courageous leader. Daughter of Pandit Nehru, one of the pioneers of India's independence, she led her country for a total of 16 years as Prime Minister, a period which saw India's emergence as an industrial power as well as a major influence in world affairs. Her death has also robbed the Commonwealth of a statesman of outstanding stature and experience."
"I lunched with Indira Gandhi in her own modest home, where she insisted on seeing that her guests were all looked after and clearing away the plates while discussing matters of high politics. ... I found myself liking Mrs Gandhi herself. Perhaps I naturally sympathized with a woman politician faced with the huge strains and difficulties of governing a country as vast as India."
"From 1967 to 1973 Haksar, a former protĂŠgĂŠ of Krishna Menon, was Mrs Gandhiâs most trusted adviser. One of her biographers, Katherine Frank, describes him as âa magnetic figureâ who became âprobably the most influential and powerful person in the governmentâ as well as âthe most important civil servant in the countryâ. Haksar set out to turn a civil service which, at least in principle, was politically neutral into an ideologically âcommitted bureaucracyâ. His was the hand that guided Mrs Gandhi through her turn to the left, the nationalization of the banks and the split in the Congress Party. It was Haksar also who was behind the transfer of control of the intelligence community to the Prime Ministerâs Secretariat. His advocacy of the leftward turn in Mrs Gandhiâs policies sprang, however, from his socialist convictions rather than from manipulation by the KGB. But both he and Mrs Gandhi âwere less fastidious than Nehru had been about interfering with the democratic system and structure of government to attain their ideological endsâ. The journalist Inder Malhotra noted the growth of a âcourtier cultureâ in Indira Gandhiâs entourage: âThe power centre in the worldâs largest democracy was slowly turning into a durbar.â"
"In the early 1970s, the KGB presence in India became one of the largest in the world outside the Soviet bloc. Indira Gandhi placed no limit on the number of Soviet diplomats and trade officials, thus allowing the KGB and GRU as many cover positions as they wished. Nor, like many other states, did India object to admitting Soviet intelligence officers who had been expelled by less hospitable regimes. The expansion of KGB operations in the Indian subcontinent (and first and foremost in India) during the early 1970s led the FCD to create a new department. Hitherto operations in India, as in the rest of non-Communist South and South-East Asia, had been the responsibility of the Seventh Department. In 1974 the newly founded Seventeenth Department was given charge of the Indian subcontinent."
"Besides, it's good to force C programmers to use the toolbox occasionally."
"Hey, I had to let awk be better at *something*..."
"If I allowed 'next $label' then I'd also have to allow 'goto $label', and I don't think you really want that..."
"The KGB, in Kaluginâs view, was more successful than the CIA, partly because of its skill in exploiting the corruption which became endemic under Indira Gandhiâs regime. As Inder Malhotra noted, though corruption was not new in India: People expected Indira Gandhiâs party, committed to bringing socialism to the country, to be more honest and cleaner than the old undivided Congress. But this turned out to be a vain hope. On the contrary, compared with the amassing of wealth by some of her close associates, the misdeeds of the discarded Syndicate leaders, once looked upon as godfathers of corrupt Congressmen, began to appear trivial."
"Suitcases full of banknotes were said to be routinely taken to the Prime Ministerâs house. Former Syndicate member S. K. Patil is reported to have said that Mrs Gandhi did not even return the suitcases... The Prime Minister is unlikely to have paid close attention to the dubious origins of some of the funds which went into Congressâs coffers. That was a matter which she left largely to her principal fundraiser, Lalit Narayan Mishra, who â though she doubtless did not realize it â also accepted Soviet money. On at least one occasion a secret gift of 2 million rupees from the Politburo to Congress (R) was personally delivered after midnight by the head of Line PR in New Delhi, Leonid Shebarshin. Another million rupees were given on the same occasion to a newspaper which supported Mrs Gandhi. Short and obese with several chins, Mishra looked the part of the corrupt politician he increasingly became. Indira Gandhi, despite her own frugal lifestyle, depended on the money he collected from a variety of sources to finance Congress (R). So did her son and anointed heir, Sanjay, whose misguided ambition to build an Indian popular car and become Indiaâs Henry Ford depended on government favours."
"The greatest successes of Soviet active measures in India remained the exploitation of the susceptibility of Indira Gandhi and her advisers to bogus CIA conspiracies against them."
"India under Indira Gandhi was also probably the arena for more KGB active measures than anywhere else in the world, though their significance appears to have been considerably exaggerated by the Centre, which overestimated its ability to manipulate Indian opinion."
"Although the Perl Slogan is There's More Than One Way to Do It, I hesitate to make 10 ways to do something."
"And don't tell me there isn't one bit of difference between null and space, because that's exactly how much difference there is."
"Because . doesn't match \n. [\0-\377] is the most efficient way to match everything currently. Maybe \e should match everything. And \E would of course match nothing."
"Besides, REAL computers have a rename() system call."
"Chip Salzenberg sent me a complete patch to add System V IPC (msg, sem and shm calls), so I added them. If that bothers you, you can always undefine them in config.sh."
"I don't know if it's what you want, but it's what you get."
"I dunno, I dream in Perl sometimes..."
"Piet van Oostrum: I find this a nice feature but it is not according to the documentation. Or is it a BUG? Larry Wall: Let's call it an accidental feature."
"(To someone at New York University) If you consistently take an antagonistic approach, however, people are going to start thinking you're from New York."
"If you want to program in C, program in C. It's a nice language. I use it occasionally..."
"I know it's weird, but it does make it easier to write poetry in perl."
"I'm sure that that could be indented more readably, but I'm scared of the awk parser."
"It is, of course, written in Perl. Translation to C is left as an exercise for the reader."
"It's all magic."
"It's documented in The Book, somewhere..."
"It won't be covered in the book. The source code has to be useful for something, after all..."
"Dan Smith: I've tried (in vi) 'g/[a-z]\n[a-z]/s//_/'...but that doesn't cut it. Any ideas? (I take it that it may be a two-pass sort of solution). Larry Wall: In the first pass, install perl."
Young though he was, his radiant energy produced such an impression of absolute reliability that Hedgewar made him the first sarkaryavah, or general secretary, of the RSS.
- Gopal Mukund Huddar
Largely because of the influence of communists in London, Huddar's conversion into an enthusiastic supporter of the fight against fascism was quick and smooth. The ease with which he crossed from one worldview to another betrays the fact that he had not properly understood the world he had grown in.
Huddar would have been 101 now had he been alive. But then centenaries are not celebrated only to register how old so and so would have been and when. They are usually celebrated to explore how much poorer our lives are without them. Maharashtrian public life is poorer without him. It is poorer for not having made the effort to recall an extraordinary life.
I regret I was not there to listen to Balaji Huddar's speech [...] No matter how many times you listen to him, his speeches are so delightful that you feel like listening to them again and again.
By the time he came out of Franco's prison, Huddar had relinquished many of his old ideas. He displayed a worldview completely different from that of the RSS, even though he continued to remain deferential to Hedgewar and maintained a personal relationship with him.