1030568 quotes found
"My commitment will be to bring Greenpeace into national issues. To adapt our global campaigns to the emergencies we have in our territory. So, first and foremost, there will be remediation. Then agriculture, to continue our victories against GMOs and now raise awareness about the pesticides that are exterminating bees. And thirdly, coal. It is unacceptable that it is still one of our primary sources of energy."
"[...] I met Fiorenzo Angelini. At the time, he was only a bishop, but already the éminence grise of Catholic healthcare, with his fingers in five hospitals in Rome, four hundred properties and eight thousand hectares of agricultural land around the capital. He was the Giulio Andreotti of the Vatican, of whom he was a close friend. I met him in Kisima or Baragoi, I don't remember exactly. Anyway, on the road -so to speak- that led to Loiyangalani, on the shores of Lake Rudolf. He emerged from the bougainvillea of a lodge wearing a shirt, a pair of khaki shorts and a camera in his hand. Imagine Alberto Sordi in Will Our Heroes Be Able to Find Their Friend Who Has Mysteriously Disappeared in Africa?. Exactly. And after introducing himself, he asked for two pieces of information: where to get a good exchange rate on the black market and whether thirty thousand lire per kilo was an acceptable price for contraband ivory. It seemed like a joke."
"During my career as a journalist, I have met too many spies to enjoy an unrealistic narrative; none of those I met looked like James Bond. Rather, I have always been fascinated by the Stasi headquarters I visited and that part of the secret archive that was destroyed. There is a black hole in our collective memory that has never been thoroughly investigated. [...] We continue to be [in the aftermath of the Cold War] up to our necks, just think of Russiagate... Or the submarine in which 14 Russian sailors recently died. It is most likely a vehicle used for special intelligence operations."
"[Purgatori replies that he wrote a spy novel for many reasons, the first being:] because, having met many spies from the East, the West and many other countries over many years of work, I also wanted to portray their human side, which is very different from what we imagine. They are women and men like us, and like us they experience emotions, feelings, joys and sorrows, and it is curious, shall we say, that they have to live them, in a way, in the shadows. Even if sometimes these feelings then undermine the carefully planned projects that are supposed to change the world order."
"Oliviero was more cultured than me, quicker to understand, better at connecting the details and symptoms of the malaise that ate away at our future, if not entirely, then at least in large part. But he had one quality: he refused to give up. And so far, the journalist, the writer. Then there was the man. Or rather, first and foremost, the man. Generous and welcoming. In his own way, which was a beautiful way. His family knows what I'm talking about, his children know what I'm talking about. His grandson will know too."
"(About the Kidnapping of Aldo Moro) On that day, 16 March 1978, and for several hours afterwards, I believe that our country felt it was facing an insurrection, a civil war, or that a coup d'état might be underway. The gravity of that kidnapping and the level of the attack, directed at the heart of the state, were such that there were fears that there could be an offensive against our democracy. An offensive which, although limited to that event, was real."
"[The job of presenter and screenwriter] They are the same thing. At Atlantide, I don't improvise anything, it's all written in the script. I have to be convinced of what I say and I have to be careful with my words. I have to be precise."
"I was very close friends with Ilaria's parents, and I discovered, for example, that she conducted her investigations without accompanying the troops, thus rejecting an 'embedded” point of view, and did not sleep with the other Italian journalists because she considered that place to be controlled. This alone gives an idea of the risks she exposed herself to, in addition to being a female journalist in a predominantly male world of correspondents in Somalia in 1994. But it still happens: last year alone, 80 journalists died around the world. When it happens, it almost seems like collateral damage, but it is not, because journalists are unarmed and only seek to tell the truth with their pens and cameras."
"I speak as a father. I believe that children perceive love above all else, regardless of their parents' gender. Of course, in the case of an adopted child, extra care is needed. Parents will have to explain to them in a balanced and careful way what love between two people of the same sex means and their desire to have a child. But I think that a gay couple who want to adopt have already thought long and hard about this."
"(About Marco Pannella) If only a tenth of the support he received while ill had been there before, Italy would be a better country. Thanks mainly to him, some battles have been won: divorce and abortion above all. Another, that of civil unions, if he had been able to fight it on the front line, would have given us a more courageous law. He leaves before seeing the birth of a truly modern nation, where living wills are the norm, euthanasia is a right, and the legalisation of soft drugs is an obvious and severe response to organised crime. Marco was a great, unbearable fighter who was always on the wrong side. A wrong that was only apparent, as when, in 2003, he asked for Saddam Hussein's life to be spared, whose death fuelled future extremists. Or when, throughout his life, he fought against the indecent and systematic violation of the constitutional principle that prison should re-educate and not just afflict prisoners. Dear Marco, you wanted a secular and libertarian country. You left us too soon, but what you sowed will one day blossom."
"Today, the goal of the Islamic State is our social implosion. Its hope is that the refugee crisis will act as a detonator. The caliph has a compelling logic and a marked propensity for Western self-harm. He supports white supremacy, Donald Trump's toupee, burning suburbs, special laws, prisons in the desert, closed communities, banned mosques and burkinis. In three words: the “clash of civilisations”. Granting him this would be fatal."
"Of all the civil servants and politicians, did Ignazio Benito Maria La Russa have to become Vice-President of the Republic? He is the second highest office in the country, comes from a staunchly fascist family and makes no secret of his nostalgia for the twenty years of fascist rule. He may well be a good public servant, but seeing the baton passed from Liliana Segre to a man who refuses to celebrate 25 April and who keeps many statues and memorabilia of Il Duce in his home is shocking, and not just to me."
"To be honest, I don't really like election campaigns. Seeing politicians say the same things every day isn't interesting [...] I prefer a more in-depth narrative that doesn't follow the latest controversy of the day. Talking only about bills is a bit of an excuse for not addressing other issues."
"I don't think Meloni is a fascist, in fact I rule it out. I don't think the Balilla will return. However, I fear a retreat from democracy and that the authoritarian Polish-Hungarian model will also advance in our country. In 2014, Orban defined Hungary as an illiberal democracy. Does Giorgia Meloni agree? I think there is a problem with fascism in her party, in the lower echelons of the leadership, in the suburbs. It is clear that some of her leaders and part of the electorate are uncomfortable with democracy, and she knows this very well. I would like to ask her if she is aware that there are some nostalgics in Fratelli d'Italia and if she would like to state that she does not want the votes of fascists. I would also like her to remove the flames, as they are a fascist symbol. I claim the right to raise these issues, even though I know you would react very badly."
"I produce reports with the aim of informing voters. Shouldn't we have talked about the Lega, Fratelli d'Italia and the Black Lobby during the election campaign? And when should we have done so? For me, democracy means supporting the fact that a person gives the Roman salute at a public meeting, and it is also democracy that that person is voted for and elected anyway."
"The interviews we see on many programmes only serve to reinforce everyone's convictions, they do not change a single vote and, in my opinion, they are useless."
"I am convinced that the right wing parties has stirred up fears and contributed in recent years to creating a climate of aggression towards foreigners."
"The fundamental mission for talk shows is to overcome laziness. When certain formats work and are successful, we tend to repeat them endlessly. My obsession, on the contrary, is to try to have an unexpected situation or guest. We presenters are marathon runners, we are on video for many weeks. Sometimes there is a temptation to take refuge in a safe construction. And that is a great danger."
"[Speaking of Piazzapulita] [...] My problem is not Rete4, but Rai3. I have always looked at Rai3's offering, because there is greater exchange between Rai – and especially the third channel – and La7. Viewers choose based on channel affinity. If a viewer changes channels from Rai3, they switch to us and vice versa. They are more contiguous worlds. That's why it's much more important for me to win the challenge with Rai3. Then, if I manage to capture the audience on Rete4, I'm happy, but I think they are more separate universes."
"Interviewer: 'After almost a year, the honeymoon between Italians and the [Meloni] government seems to be continuing. Opposition talk shows like yours are feeling the effects.'] Formigli: [...] There is a country that wants revenge and has felt underrepresented for years. This desire to exist, to count and to take revenge on the left-wing power bloc is reflected in Rete4's programmes. The desire for revenge has kept Mediaset's audience high. Objectively speaking, the last elections saw a historic break, for better or for worse. This momentous event is being played out on Mediaset's networks, and I am not surprised."
"Interviewer: 'Does it still make sense to cry out about the danger of fascism, or does this risk fuelling a narrative that is now outdated? Formigli: It is clear that there is also a problem related to memory. I cannot stand those who are annoyed when the issue of fascism is raised. We have striking examples, starting with a president of the Senate who does not celebrate 25 April and who claimed that those killed in Via Rasella were semi-retired musicians. [...] Not to mention that fascist salutes continue to be used in the lower echelons of Fratelli d'Italia, with someone popping up every now and then. When Meloni openly declares herself to be anti-fascist, I think the controversy will end. But at that point, she will have to expel certain elements from her party."
"('He was on Michele Santoro's team and suffered the consequences of the Bulgarian edict) That edict changed my life. Looking back today, it was my good fortune, but neither Mauro Masi nor Silvio Berlusconi could have known that. I was 34 years old and held the position of special correspondent for Rai1 and Rai2. I was locked in a small room for a year, doing nothing from morning to night. I tried to move to Tg3, but they prevented me from doing so. I couldn't move; it was a real case of mobbing. In 2003, I moved to Sky, just before mid-August. I had a permanent contract with Rai and I resigned to take a temporary job with the satellite channel. With the programme “Controcorrente”, I learned to present and deal with an editor. I built my own team there and some of those people are still with me today."
"I like a young person who fights for the environment, even if he is naive and impetuous, and I don't criminalise him. It's always better than staying at home and wasting your time on TikTok. I really like this little finger raised against young people who throw washable paint at monuments. Those who condemn them are the same people who in the 1970s theorised armed struggle and threw Molotov cocktails. Protests are always extreme, but I prefer them to those who don't care. Interviewer': “There must be a middle ground...” Formigli: Middle ground doesn't get you very far. These protests need to be looked at carefully. It bothers me that they are being ridiculed. I have children and I worry about their future. If I were young, I would be as angry as them, if not more so."
"I have no preconceptions. I've had representatives of Casa Pound in my studio, I've interviewed David Irving, who said terrible things about the gas chambers. I've never given anything away, I just do my job. [...] Talk shows record what is already there, we are seismographs."
"Interviewer: “You also went to Mediaset when Silvio Berlusconi was there.” Formigli: But Forza Italia was in opposition and there was a big issue on the table, the war in Kosovo. Berlusconi was sensitive to the subject, he has never been a warmonger and his latest comments on the conflict in Ukraine prove it. Michele Santoro, with whom I worked, took a critical line. Let's say there was a common sensitivity. Later, when we dealt with other issues and talked about Dell'Utri, the relationship soured and we returned to Rai."
"To whom can I speak today? Brothers are evil And the friends of today unlovable."
"Lo, my name reeks Lo, more than carrion smell On summer days of burning sky. [...] Lo, my name reeks Lo, more than that of a wife About whom lies are told to the husband.Lo, my name reeks Lo, more than that of a sturdy child Who is said to belong to one who rejects him.Lo, my name reeks Lo, more than a king's town That utters sedition behind his back."
"To whom can I speak today? Gentleness has perished And the violent man has come down on everyone."
"To whom can I speak today? I am heavy-laden with trouble Through lack of an intimate friend.To whom can I speak today? The wrong which roams the earth, There is no end to it."
"Death is in my sight today As when a man desires to see home When he has spent many years in captivity."
"What my ba said to me: "Now throw complaint on the [wood-pile], you my comrade, my brother! Whether you offer on the brazier, whether you bear down on life, as you say, love me here when you have set aside the West! But when it is wished that you attain the West, that your body joins the earth, I shall alight after you have become weary, and then we shall dwell together!""
"(As for) that which my ba had said to me: "Give up the complaints about the stalling of this companion, my brother, while you last upon the flame, in order to be adamant about life!" (Man:) "As you say! Like me here, after you rejected the West. Please, but like also the West, and your limbs join the earth, I shall alight, after you are weary. Therefore, let us make a harbor for the occasion.""
"R. O. Faulkner, "The Man Who Was Tired of Life", The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, vol. 42 (1956) pp. 21–40"
"H. Goedicke, The Report about the Dispute of a Man with his Ba (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Press, 1970)"
"V. A. Tobin, in W. K. Simpson (ed.) The Literature of Ancient Egypt: An Anthology of Stories, Instructions, and Poetry (Yale UP, 1972) pp. 201–209"
"M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, vol. 1: The Old and Middle Kingdoms (U of California P, 1975) pp. 163–169"
"J. L. Foster, Echoes of Egyptian Voices: An Anthology of Ancient Egyptian Poetry (Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 1992) pp. 11–18"
"R. B. Parkinson, The Tale of Sinuhe and Other Ancient Egyptian Poems 1940–1640 BC (Oxford UP, 1997) pp. 151–165"
"The Western is our genre in the United States of America. The English have Shakespeare, the French have Molière, the Russians have Chekhov, but we have the Western."
"Sometimes what comes around the corner is better for you than what you're planning to do anyway."
"I don’t try to be a hard guy to work with … but I decide what I’m going to do with a character. I will take direction, but only if it kind of supplements what I want to do. If I have instincts that I feel are right, I don’t want anybody to tamper with them. I don’t like tamperers, and I don’t like hoverers."
"It was as if somehow Al Capone had become head of the United States."
"To the world, he was an Academy Award-winning actor, a director, a storyteller. To me, he was simply everything. His passion for his craft was matched only by his deep love for characters, a great meal, and holding court. For each of his many roles, Bob gave everything to his characters and to the truth of the human spirit they represented. In doing so, he leaves something lasting and unforgettable to us all."
"Since 1992, a false narrative of that period has taken hold. All sorts of things have been said: that there was excessive use of preventive detention, that they were tortured to make them talk, that it was a political operation to bring down the First Republic, or even a major CIA conspiracy. This prevents us from coming to terms with that system of corruption. The hope for clean politics that existed 25 years ago is weaker today than it was then."
"It was a missed opportunity for politics, which failed to seize the chance to truly renew the rules of the game and the people who play it."
"The party system has apparently collapsed because there has only been a superficial change, which has recycled too many of the protagonists in the so-called Second Republic. Above all, the methods and styles of work have not changed."
"Mani Pulite still provokes both hatred and love today, dividing detractors from supporters. This is a sign that what it exposed – corruption, the relationship between politics and business, the clashes between politics and the judiciary – is still a burning issue."
"Tangentopoli is a system of party financing, but at the same time it is: for businesses, a system of cartel agreements that eliminates the market and free competition, inflating the costs of public works; for parties, a system of consensus building that uses public money without regard for the usefulness of the works carried out, the efficiency of the services provided, or compatibility with the state's accounts."
"It was a major but ordinary judicial investigation, Mani Pulite, not a political operation."
"The economic crisis, which had reduced the amount of public money available for contracts and therefore the margins for bribes, made entrepreneurs more willing to report politicians who asked them for bribes in exchange for increasingly less lucrative benefits."
Young though he was, his radiant energy produced such an impression of absolute reliability that Hedgewar made him the first sarkaryavah, or general secretary, of the RSS.
- Gopal Mukund Huddar
Largely because of the influence of communists in London, Huddar's conversion into an enthusiastic supporter of the fight against fascism was quick and smooth. The ease with which he crossed from one worldview to another betrays the fact that he had not properly understood the world he had grown in.
Huddar would have been 101 now had he been alive. But then centenaries are not celebrated only to register how old so and so would have been and when. They are usually celebrated to explore how much poorer our lives are without them. Maharashtrian public life is poorer without him. It is poorer for not having made the effort to recall an extraordinary life.
I regret I was not there to listen to Balaji Huddar's speech [...] No matter how many times you listen to him, his speeches are so delightful that you feel like listening to them again and again.
By the time he came out of Franco's prison, Huddar had relinquished many of his old ideas. He displayed a worldview completely different from that of the RSS, even though he continued to remain deferential to Hedgewar and maintained a personal relationship with him.