"What characteristic distinguished Germany and Italy, where fascism took power, from countries like France and Britain, where fascist movements were highly visible but remained far from power? We need to recall that fascism has never so far taken power by coup d'état, deploying the weight of its militants in the street. Fascist power by coup is hardly conceivable in a modern state. Fascism can not appeal to the street without risking a confrontation with future allies —- the army and the police —- without whom it will not be able to pursue its expansionist goals. Indeed fascist coup attempts have commonly led to military dictatorship, rather than to fascist power (as in Romania in December 1941). Resorting to direct mass action also risks conceding advantages to fascism's principal enemy, the Left, still powerful in the street and workplace in interwar Europe. The only route to power available to fascists passes through cooperation with conservative elites. The most important variables, therefore, are the conservative elites' willingness to work with the fascist, along with a reciprocal flexibility on the fascist leaders' part, and the depth of the crisis which induces them to cooperate."
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Brian Jenkins, |isbn=978-1-84545-297-1 |page=116–117 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RlVFxYp-yoQC&pg=PA116}}
https://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Fascism's_relationship_with_other_political_and_economic_ideologies
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Fascism's relationship with other political and economic ideologies
Fascism's relationship with other political and economic ideologies of its day was complex, often at once adversarial and focused on co-opting their more popular aspects. Fascism supported private property rights – except for the groups it persecuted – and the of capitalism, but sought to eliminate the autonomy of large-scale capitalism by bolstering private power with the state. They shared many of the goals of the conservatives of their day and often allied themselves with them by
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