"Indeed, law must be violated in order to preserve the body. The clear message is that national identity-liberal citizenship even-has nothing to do with juridical boundaries and everything to do with biological ones. This message becomes even more overt in Turkey of the 1990s, when the right to bodily integrity is invoked as a means of halting state-sponsored virginity examinations. I will discuss these examinations in more detail in the next chapter, but for now I would simply like to consider the implications of one of the more common slogans of the campaign against the procedure-"No to Virginity Tests! This is My Body!” (“Bekaret Kontrolune hayir! Bedenimiz Bizimdir!”). As Ayse Gul Altinay states in an endnote to an essay discussing the campaign, “it is hard to find an appropriate translation for 'Bedenimiz bizimdir,' which means 'these are our bodies' or 'our bodies belong to us.' It is problematic to translate it as the singular 'this is my body,' but I could not find anything that was more appropriate.” The basic problem with translating the slogan, in other words, is that beden refers to a singular “body.” but it is attached to a plural possessive. The most literal translation of the phrase would therefore be “this is our body” or “out body belongs to us.” As Altinay notes, such a translation would undercut the broader purpose of the slogan, and is therefore inappropriate in an essay lauding the campaign. At the same time, however, it is worth considering the implications of both the slogan's singular and the slogan's plural, given the connection between reproduction and law that I have been suggesting in the formulation of biopolitical identity. As Foucault has argued with regard to biopolitics in general, what we are dealing with in this new technology of power is not exactly society (or at least not the social body, as defined by the jurists), nor is it the individual-as-body. It is a new body, a multiple body with so many heads that, while they might not be infinity in number, cannot necessarily be counted. Biopolitics deals with the population. The biopolitical focus on population, in other words, is a focus that produces precisely a collection of protesting, juridically defined citizens claiming the public sphere as a means of protecting “their” (plural) biologically defined “body” (singular). The invocation of bodily integrity, therefore, quite overtly turns not just reproductive space into political space, but political space into reproductive space-reducing legal, political, and biological bodies as well as borders to one and the same thing. Indeed, one of the more basic effects of thinking of citizenship in terms of bodily integrity is that the “public sphere” gradually ceases to be defied as the “arena in which consent is formed” and comes instead to be understood as a place in which bodies are defined and reproductive space established. In the case of reproductive legislation, we see an attempt to turn the places (the hospital here as well as the womb) where abortions are performed into simultaneously modern space and political space. In Turkey, for instance, in addition to the trope of “traditional” contraception, there is also the trope of abortions performed in "traditional” or “rural” settings-abortions understood to be both more widespread and less appropriate than those performed in “urban” settings by “trained” personnel. Likewise, in all three states, there is a concerted effort to restrict “legal” abortions to certified hospitals or clinics. This effort to confine abortions to legally defined, modern arenas-to villify the “backstreet abortion” alongside the “untrained midwife”-is not, however, simply a continuation of the nineteenth century process of linking the medical to the legal and of criminalizing unregulated medical practitioners. More so, I would argue, it is part of a new, late twentieth century process of aligning reproductive space, political space, and now medical space as well."