"As reproduction, abortion, and abortion rights became linked not only to contraception and sterilization, but also to the post-Second World War ideal of bodily integrity, in other words, the womb became a space, ironically, far more' open to regulation than it had ever been before. This regulation, however, was occurring now in the name of protecting a woman's political, sexual, social, and civilizational self, rather than in the name of the health or integrity of the race. By the late 1970s, in fact, the Council of Europe was arguing that this approach to reproduction was an eminently public, national concern-”the activities of private family planning associations .. supported as complements of, not substitutes for vigorous national programs.” But it was not just the politicization of reproductive space-or the mapping of the public onto the womb-that occurred with the entry of bodily integrity into discussions of reproductive law. It was also that the public sphere was likewise transformed into an arena for expressing sexual, reproductive, and therefore biopolitical identities. The conflation of bodily borders and national borders explicitly noted by White and implicitly suggested by philosophers such as Locke thus became increasingly overt as the twentieth century progressed. Indeed, bodily integrity, far more than consent, became the means of defining the biopolitical subject, politicizing not just the womb, for instance, but the hospital in which the abortion would be performed-inscribing the nation onto a reproductive space now defined explicitly as a container for both the consenting patient and the non-consenting citizen."