women-from-pakistan

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April 10, 2026

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"Pakistan's Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929 sets the legitimate time of marriage for boys to 18 and 16 for girls. With this enactment, children’s marriage in Pakistan diminished altogether contrasted with the past, however the rate is still high. In 2013, the CEDAW Committee stated concerns about the continuation of child ‘marriage and the minimum age of marriage of girls in Pakistan (Brides, 2018). At the local level in 2014, the Sindh Assembly consistently accepted the Law on the Restriction of the Sindh Child Marriage, carrying the ‘minimum age for marriage at 18 years old therefore making child marriage a punishable crime (Sindhlaws, 2014). Despite this, the practice continues with reports of girls being married very young (Zia-ur-Rahman, 2014). In February 2017 UNFPA supported the Punjab Government in the preparation of a comprehensive Punjab Child Marriage Limitation Act (1929) in which NGO and local citizens took part (UNFPA, 2017; 2018). The Penal Code ‘was amended so that there are severe penalties for those participating in child marriage (ibid). Raising the age of marriage from 16 to 18 (initiated by Senator Shear Kamran, the Senator for Child Marriage Act) could not be changed and encountered religious obstacles. Although the Senate and standing committee accepted it (Brides, 2018), the Islamic Ideology Council, which provides Islamic legal consultancy to the Pakistani Government said marriage can happen at any age (ibid) but man and wife living together (known as Rukhsati in Pakistan) can only happen after the age of 18 (ibid). Thus, the Islamic Ideology Council stated Pakistan's laws prohibiting child marriage were not Islamic which led to criticism (Memri, 2014). Under the Universal Periodic Review, Pakistan has again adopted a review of the minimum age of marriage for men and women (HRW, 2017; Human Rights Commission, 2014) but no change has occurred. Pakistani courts often apply Sharia (Islamic law) which allow marriage once a girl reaches puberty (ibid)."

- Child marriage in Pakistan

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""The Sindh government rightly claims credit of becoming the country's first elected assembly to have passed a bill on child marriage in April 2014, which places a ban on marriage of children under 18 years of age and makes its violation punishable with rigorous imprisonment of up to three years, but sadly the law is still poorly implemented," said SHRC Chairperson Justice (retd) Majida Razvi. NCRC acting chairperson Jawadullah Khan said that his organisation was making efforts to reform laws in all provinces and suggested strong coordination between stakeholders, including police and government authorities, to deal with the issue. "The issues of minors' marriages, child trafficking, and street children are rampant. There is a dire need to develop a database and devise a mechanism for coordination before taking action," he added. Child rights expert Sarah Zaman discussed the operational gaps and challenges in the implementation and added that there are lacunas in the act, but its legitimacy is still there. "Pakistan is in trauma due to the flood disaster, but on the other hand we face several cases of trafficking, rape, and child marriages," she said, adding that poverty is not the main reason for child marriages, other socio-political issues also need to be kept in mind while proposing amendments. UNICEF child protection officer Mahvish Maria remarked that child marriage is a human rights violation. Despite laws against it, this harmful practice remains widespread. While referring to the findings of the Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey 2017-18, she said that child marriage prevalence in the country is 18%. She added that child marriages increase during humanitarian emergencies. "Historically, women and girls are disproportionately affected during emergencies and it's mandatory to sensitise communities for birth and marriage registration," she said and recommended that the existing laws should be implemented and further strengthened along with strengthening the government system to prevent and respond to this issue."

- Child marriage in Pakistan

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"This form of violence against women in Pakistan takes place in the context of widespread domestic abuse—8o percent of wives in rural Pakistan fear physical violence from their husbands, while so percent of urban. women have experienced domestic abuse (Toosi 2010). Yasmeen Rehman, a prominent women's advocate and parliamentarian, stated that domestic abuse in Pakistan is so engrained that it can be equated with habit (Toosi 2010). As a tool of masculine dominance, acid throwing is ideal. The physical disfigurement from acid burning is important. Survivors, wearing the scars of their attacks, are further violated through ostracism and shame within their community and vulnerable to further violent attacks (Women Without Borders 2010). Like honor killings, which end a woman's life, acid scars disable and remove women’s ability to be independent and thus to transgress norms, subduing and subordi- nating them. Depending on the extent of their injuries, women may be unable to work. Furthermore, the disfigurement relegates women back into the private and invisible realm of their traditional gender role, reinforcing men’s domi- nance of the public sphere and their monopoly on social, political, and economic agency. The permanent and public nature of the injuries from acid throwing allows for perpetrators to tangibly and visually validate their actions and rein- force their masculinity within their peer and social contexts. An acid survivor is a permanent reminder of the violent perpetrator’s dominance."

- Violence against women in Pakistan

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"When the British first introduced their system of “modern” education to India, there was some resistance. For historical reasons this was strongest among the Muslims of north India, and there was great reluctance in these areas to send girls to school. By the turn of the century the situation had changed considerably. With the emergence of a growing nationalist sentiment, women’s education began to receive some support. But, while one group of advocates believed that education should give women greater awareness and augment their human development, another group fought to establish institutions, such as the “Zenana” (women’s) schools in Lahore, that would counter what they saw as the insidious undermining of values and morals caused by modern education. Consequently, even before Pakistan was cre- ated there were two opposing camps: one that believed that edu- cation could free women from their social shackles and one that intended to use education to further consolidate the constraints ‘on women. This conflict has never been resolved, and women’s ‘education in Pakistan remains a victim of contradictory policies. The ongoing debate about whether a separate women’s university should be established is a case in point. In Pakistan the pro- posal is opposed by female activists, who view it as a subtle method to further marginalize women by circumscribing the type of education available to them. They fear that with a separate university women will find it increasingly difficult to be admitted to high-quality institutions (particularly in technical and profes- sional fields), while the course offered in the women’s university would be limited to “female-appropriate” subjects."

- Women's education in Pakistan

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"I woke up that night to the screams of women. I don’t know when I’d fallen asleep, or passed out, but when I woke up, the manic, lost, women were all around me, walking, shambling. I remember that night, my first night in this asylum – I had retreated into the corner, into the shadows, and looked through the bars, bars that had been chained with many locks. The locks were like eyes: the eyes of a man’s vigilance. As I focused, the lock slowly extended to reveal the form of a man, a man sprawling on the bed: I thought of the violence of beds, of my marriage. The man on this bed was my husband – a man who used to beat me metal-blue to eliminate his fear of women. There were other ways of elimination: polishing his black boots and making them shine, washing his clothes, suspending them onto a hanging wire. And the starvation. And the rising lilt of his family’s voices: awaara. A cuss word, a slap – his marriage to me? – The violence of a mongering dog, his teeth digging into my flesh. His skin the color of a chameleon turned blue. Me? I was a churi, a glass bangle. The house? The impersonation of a ghetto. My agency, his anger. So I ran. I ran to a divorce, yes, and I reached my destination after six months of torture. But the six months led to psychosis. So my mother dragged me here, to this mental asylum. Then I woke up, that night, to the screams of women."

- Sara Shagufta

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