First Quote Added
April 10, 2026
Latest Quote Added
"If God is merciful and just, do you think it would be the will of God that you should have no rights, that you should be beaten and brutalized and have no opportunity to study?"
"You know, anybody can write a memoir of their life in so many different ways, right? It can be about my career. It can be about advocacy work. It can be about so many things."
"And when you've been carrying that around, like, your entire adult life, it feels quite amazing to be able to finally put it down and check it off your list."
"For any and every wrongfully convicted person, you can assume almost everything went wrong."
"What she did do successfully was blow wide open the idea of a fair criminal justice process. She brought to light questions of religious and ethnic bias, prosecutorial misconduct, police manipulation of witnesses, reasonable doubt, evidential reliability, ineffective assistance of counsel, maximum sentences, juvenile detention, and appellate logjams."
"When I decided it was time to get a journalist to look at what I have always held as a wrongful conviction, I did it thinking that reporters can go places most of us canât. They have ways of tracking down information, getting people to talk, and resources the average person doesnât."
"âThe thing is that anybody who is extremely serious about the work that they do and the type of opportunity that they want to bring to their country, probably cannot enjoy an experience because theyâre constantly thinking about the way forward. Theyâre constantly thinking about connecting resources with opportunities. So, though I am in this amazing space with amazing people, I am constantly thinking about how we can leverage this opportunity as much as we can.â"
"âSo I still need to take a break and enjoy some afternoon tea but before that I have to do a lot of work around this award."
"As soon as you start moving around the world, you face challenges. Itâs difficult to find a school or a university that is wheelchair-friendly and has an elevator, so I had to pick the institution first, then my degree. Being yourself, out in the world, is the greatest accomplishment,â"
"I donât like sob stories or tragedies,â said Khan, who is a disability and womenâs rights campaigner in Pakistan. âIâm not saying they donât exist â we can all face adversity â but I think we need a more positive approach to solving problems. I wanted to present people with disabilities in a more positive way."
"I got to do a red carpet for the first time in my life! It was great. As a woman with a disability, as someone with a hijab, to be on the red carpet, posing, presenting a fashion sense, presenting my cause and my country. That was exciting and I loved it and I was trying not to get my wheelchair tangled. Thatâs also something I have to consider all the time!â"
"Girlythings, she added, redresses imbalance. The reaction to these topics has, Khan said, been âextremely welcomingâ, with significant support from Pakistani men. âIt made me think: âWhy havenât we talked about this earlier?â Iâm only one person and I want to reach every corner, but this response makes me feel hopeful that our society is becoming very progressive.â"
"When we talk about Pakistan, itâs one country but there is a lot of diversity,â Khan said. âThere are a lot of women who are empowered and have agency â but in the same country, you can find women who have never left the house or gone to school, so there are challenges across those diversities. For many women who work and go to the office, companies donât have access to menstrual care, so what does she have to do? She has to quit the meeting,â she said. âIt creates a barrier.â"
"We spoke a lot about her own experiences and we are trying to come up with more collaborations together. So menstrual healthcare will be a very strong area within the community to work on and when it comes to human rights and health in the future and other than that.â"
"I feel we need to bring Pakistani or South Asian perspective to these platforms because western ideas get more space. This doesnât mean that women in other countries are not suffering rather many a time they may not be aware of the different platforms where they can raise their voice. Through representation, we can remove confusions about our part of the world as well as call out any organisations which exploit Pakistan for their own gain by constantly painting it as a site of pity.â"
"âWhen I looked at the world, I didnât see a space for myself. Not in TV series, not when I read a book ⌠there was nobody who represented people with disabilities. I decided, âIâm going to create that space.ââ"
"I run Girlythings, a service that delivers menstrual health products to women across Pakistan. I am the writer, producer and actor behind Pakistanâs first short comedy on disability called Fruit Chaat. Iâm also a public speaker and do many other ventures on disability and empowerment.â"
"Women have to undergo a variety . of sufferings due to the system of divorce . In Pakistan the Muslim male has a one - sided right to give divorce to his wife"
"In fact , the state's response to domestic violence in Pakistan is so minimal and cases of intrafamily violence are so rarely addressed in any way by the criminal justice system ...."
"The law, traditions, customs, and practices related to marriage and divorce in Pakistan are deeply influenced by interpretations of Islam. Historically, divorce has been considered the prerogative of men,...."
"Pakistan's Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929 sets the legitimate time of marriage for boys to 18 and 16 for girls. With this enactment, childrenâs marriage in Pakistan diminished altogether contrasted with the past, however the rate is still high. In 2013, the CEDAW Committee stated concerns about the continuation of child âmarriage and the minimum age of marriage of girls in Pakistan (Brides, 2018). At the local level in 2014, the Sindh Assembly consistently accepted the Law on the Restriction of the Sindh Child Marriage, carrying the âminimum age for marriage at 18 years old therefore making child marriage a punishable crime (Sindhlaws, 2014). Despite this, the practice continues with reports of girls being married very young (Zia-ur-Rahman, 2014). In February 2017 UNFPA supported the Punjab Government in the preparation of a comprehensive Punjab Child Marriage Limitation Act (1929) in which NGO and local citizens took part (UNFPA, 2017; 2018). The Penal Code âwas amended so that there are severe penalties for those participating in child marriage (ibid). Raising the age of marriage from 16 to 18 (initiated by Senator Shear Kamran, the Senator for Child Marriage Act) could not be changed and encountered religious obstacles. Although the Senate and standing committee accepted it (Brides, 2018), the Islamic Ideology Council, which provides Islamic legal consultancy to the Pakistani Government said marriage can happen at any age (ibid) but man and wife living together (known as Rukhsati in Pakistan) can only happen after the age of 18 (ibid). Thus, the Islamic Ideology Council stated Pakistan's laws prohibiting child marriage were not Islamic which led to criticism (Memri, 2014). Under the Universal Periodic Review, Pakistan has again adopted a review of the minimum age of marriage for men and women (HRW, 2017; Human Rights Commission, 2014) but no change has occurred. Pakistani courts often apply Sharia (Islamic law) which allow marriage once a girl reaches puberty (ibid)."
"Yet despite such statements, rape in Pakistan is a weapon commonly used for revenge. According to human rights lawyers, 50 percent of reported rapes in the country are gangrapes, usually carried out when someone wants to take revenge ..."
"It is important to consider the risks faced by Pakistani women in particular whose families believe that they violated the familyâs honour. Among the âviolations of honourâ are rejecting an arranged marriage, entering an unapproved marriage or even worse, sexual activity outside marriage. Many women and men who have been accused of such âviolationsâ have become the target of an honour killing. In Pakistan, women and men are usually expected to accept an arranged marriage with someone from their own clan and family, and marriage to someone from a different clan, caste and social background is highly disapproved of, potentially to the point of provoking attempts to kill the person involved. The husband and the wife can become the target of attack or honour killing."
""The Sindh government rightly claims credit of becoming the country's first elected assembly to have passed a bill on child marriage in April 2014, which places a ban on marriage of children under 18 years of age and makes its violation punishable with rigorous imprisonment of up to three years, but sadly the law is still poorly implemented," said SHRC Chairperson Justice (retd) Majida Razvi. NCRC acting chairperson Jawadullah Khan said that his organisation was making efforts to reform laws in all provinces and suggested strong coordination between stakeholders, including police and government authorities, to deal with the issue. "The issues of minors' marriages, child trafficking, and street children are rampant. There is a dire need to develop a database and devise a mechanism for coordination before taking action," he added. Child rights expert Sarah Zaman discussed the operational gaps and challenges in the implementation and added that there are lacunas in the act, but its legitimacy is still there. "Pakistan is in trauma due to the flood disaster, but on the other hand we face several cases of trafficking, rape, and child marriages," she said, adding that poverty is not the main reason for child marriages, other socio-political issues also need to be kept in mind while proposing amendments. UNICEF child protection officer Mahvish Maria remarked that child marriage is a human rights violation. Despite laws against it, this harmful practice remains widespread. While referring to the findings of the Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey 2017-18, she said that child marriage prevalence in the country is 18%. She added that child marriages increase during humanitarian emergencies. "Historically, women and girls are disproportionately affected during emergencies and it's mandatory to sensitise communities for birth and marriage registration," she said and recommended that the existing laws should be implemented and further strengthened along with strengthening the government system to prevent and respond to this issue."
"There are no official countrywide statistics for honour killings in Pakistan."
"Yet, scholarly examination of the law regarding cases of child marriage an show that child marriages are not rendered invalid under the provisions of the Act and merely subjects adult parties to the penalties stipulated.â! Despite contravening the CMRA, the continuing validity of a child marriage in Pakistan stems from the constitutionally enshrined primacy of sharia; because Hanafi legal doctrine permits the marriage of minors by guardians, child marriage remains valid in the State. However, according to the provisions of the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act, a female minor who is married without consent before the age of sixteen may apply for repudiation of the marriage before turning eighteen, provided the marriage remains unconsummated.ÂŽ? Unfortunately, this"
"This form of violence against women in Pakistan takes place in the context of widespread domestic abuseâ8o percent of wives in rural Pakistan fear physical violence from their husbands, while so percent of urban. women have experienced domestic abuse (Toosi 2010). Yasmeen Rehman, a prominent women's advocate and parliamentarian, stated that domestic abuse in Pakistan is so engrained that it can be equated with habit (Toosi 2010). As a tool of masculine dominance, acid throwing is ideal. The physical disfigurement from acid burning is important. Survivors, wearing the scars of their attacks, are further violated through ostracism and shame within their community and vulnerable to further violent attacks (Women Without Borders 2010). Like honor killings, which end a woman's life, acid scars disable and remove womenâs ability to be independent and thus to transgress norms, subduing and subordi- nating them. Depending on the extent of their injuries, women may be unable to work. Furthermore, the disfigurement relegates women back into the private and invisible realm of their traditional gender role, reinforcing menâs domi- nance of the public sphere and their monopoly on social, political, and economic agency. The permanent and public nature of the injuries from acid throwing allows for perpetrators to tangibly and visually validate their actions and rein- force their masculinity within their peer and social contexts. An acid survivor is a permanent reminder of the violent perpetratorâs dominance."
"The vast majority of victims of domestic violence in Pakistan (including those who are victims of attempted honor killings) have no way of getting legal protection ."
"Domestic violence in Pakistan is seldom recognized as a crime. Socially and officially it is viewed as a private, internal, family matter, which should not be interfered with."
"Domestic violence in Pakistan is widespread and is often linked to men's disappointment with the dowry they receive or displeasure with the way in which their wives behave."
"Divorce in Pakistan is very easy for men."
"In Pakistan, despite the real dangers of coming forward, more and more people share their stories online: âFrom sexual abuse suffered during childhood to public groping, thread after thread [has] reflected on personal trauma and societal denial of it,â reports Al Jazeera columnist Rabia Mehmood, noting the need for survivors to âclaim a spaceâ in a hostile environment.â Not only have Pakistani women felt increasingly empowered to speak about sexual abuse and assault, but â#MeToo has opened the door to publicly acknowledging the issue of male rape in Pakistan, a taboo despite the alarming rate of crimes against young boys across the country.â"
"Pakistan did not lag behind in crimes against women. There are at least 11 rape cases reported in Pakistan every day, with over 22,000 rape cases reported to police across the country in the last six years since 2015, according to official statistics. However, only 77 accused have been convicted, which comprises 0.3 per cent of the total figure.â The rape of Mukhtaran Bibi in Pakistan received international attention after it was reported to be politically sanctioned.â The group War Against Rape (WAR) has documented the severity of rape in Pakistan. According to women's studies professor Shahla Haeri, rape in Pakistan is 'often institutionalized and has the tacit and at times the explicit approval of the state. According to the late lawyer Asma Jahangir, who was a co-founder of the womenâs rights group âWomen's Action Forum, up to 72 per cent of women in custody in Pakistan are physically or sexually abused.â According to WAR, over 82 per cent of rapists are family members, including fathers, brothers, grandfathers and uncles of the victims."
"According to a 1990 study of rape in Pakistan , " the police is notorious for delays or outright refusals to register FIRs ."
"the Deputy Leader of Conservative Party of Canada Candice Bergen has said that "The reports coming out of Pakistan of Christian and Hindu girls being abducted, raped, forced into marriages and coerced to convert from their faith are deeply concerning and need to be addressed"."
"When the British first introduced their system of âmodernâ education to India, there was some resistance. For historical reasons this was strongest among the Muslims of north India, and there was great reluctance in these areas to send girls to school. By the turn of the century the situation had changed considerably. With the emergence of a growing nationalist sentiment, womenâs education began to receive some support. But, while one group of advocates believed that education should give women greater awareness and augment their human development, another group fought to establish institutions, such as the âZenanaâ (womenâs) schools in Lahore, that would counter what they saw as the insidious undermining of values and morals caused by modern education. Consequently, even before Pakistan was cre- ated there were two opposing camps: one that believed that edu- cation could free women from their social shackles and one that intended to use education to further consolidate the constraints âon women. This conflict has never been resolved, and womenâs âeducation in Pakistan remains a victim of contradictory policies. The ongoing debate about whether a separate womenâs university should be established is a case in point. In Pakistan the pro- posal is opposed by female activists, who view it as a subtle method to further marginalize women by circumscribing the type of education available to them. They fear that with a separate university women will find it increasingly difficult to be admitted to high-quality institutions (particularly in technical and profes- sional fields), while the course offered in the womenâs university would be limited to âfemale-appropriateâ subjects."
"The Pakistani Nobel Laurette Malala Yousafzai spoke against forced conversions in Pakistan and said "It should be a personal choice and no one, especially a child shouldnât be forced to accept any faith or convert to any other religion out of the will,""
"I announced 'Jehad' - a movement to represent the silent majority to raise controversial issues that most people feel afraid to speak about. It liberated me from the corrupt politics that I had witnessed. I decided to stand apart and away from the mainstream of the rotting political system and the deficient and self-serving politicians that consumed our national wealth and exploited our people."
"Feudalism was a licence to plunder, rape and even murder. The rich got richer; the poor despaired."
"Not only do these (Blasphemy) laws have no religious standing in Islam, they are repugnant to the basic principles of justice, equality and human rights in addition to challenging the basic spirit of the Constitution of Pakistan which guarantees equal rights to all citizens."
""...Sirmed and Sayed tried to defend United States Embassy's decision to invite members of LGBT community to the event. ..... The comment section of this youtube video was brief but filled with hatred against Sirmed and Sayed...and Sirmed was called a "randi" (a prostitute) for defending gays and distorting the image of Islam."
"But - and alas, there is a but- I don't believe it is in Pakistan's best interest to be the country whose armed forces consume the largest percentage of national income of any military in the world.I don't believe it is in Pakistan's interest to adopt a policy of seeking 'strategic depth' by destabilizing it's neighbors.I don't believe it is in Pakistan's best interest to try to wrest Kashmir from India by fair means or foul.I don't believe it is in Pakistan's best interest to be the cradle and crucible of militant Islamist terrorism.I don't believe it's in Pakistan's best interest to be a country where no elected civilian government has ever served a full term. And I do believe that any Pakistani liberal worth the name (take a bow, Marvi Sirmed) should have no difficulty in agreeing with any of these propositions."
"âMy body, my choice,â means that no society can wage their wars at the expense of a womanâs body. We ask the men not to use our bodies for their ghairat or honor. We ask them to stop killing us in the name of honor and give us the right to say no because we have the right to say no to anything that we donât feel comfortable with......We must have the right to say that we canât tolerate sexual harassment and to say no to decisions regarding our marriages by other [family members]. Our religion gives us the right to choose our life partner, so why not society?....Further, we have the right not to be judged on the basis of our physical appearance..."
""" is an issue that is relevant to Pakistani women across all classes. When a woman is killed in the name of "honor," her body is attacked; when a woman is denied the right to choose her partner, her body and her choice are compromised; and when a woman faces domestic violence, her body is attacked. All other issues that our "Aurat March" (women's march) raised are equally important, but they all emanate from a deep-rooted misogyny in our society. Women do not have the agency over their own bodies and that is the main issue, in my opinion."
"He grabbed me. We got into a terrible fight. My verdict was given: âYou will now be given an electric shock, Shagufta. We need to calm you down.â I tore away, and ran to the other side of the asylum, and on one of its walls, I wrote: âNazi Camp.â He began grinning."
"I woke up that night to the screams of women. I donât know when Iâd fallen asleep, or passed out, but when I woke up, the manic, lost, women were all around me, walking, shambling. I remember that night, my first night in this asylum â I had retreated into the corner, into the shadows, and looked through the bars, bars that had been chained with many locks. The locks were like eyes: the eyes of a manâs vigilance. As I focused, the lock slowly extended to reveal the form of a man, a man sprawling on the bed: I thought of the violence of beds, of my marriage. The man on this bed was my husband â a man who used to beat me metal-blue to eliminate his fear of women. There were other ways of elimination: polishing his black boots and making them shine, washing his clothes, suspending them onto a hanging wire. And the starvation. And the rising lilt of his familyâs voices: awaara. A cuss word, a slap â his marriage to me? â The violence of a mongering dog, his teeth digging into my flesh. His skin the color of a chameleon turned blue. Me? I was a churi, a glass bangle. The house? The impersonation of a ghetto. My agency, his anger. So I ran. I ran to a divorce, yes, and I reached my destination after six months of torture. But the six months led to psychosis. So my mother dragged me here, to this mental asylum. Then I woke up, that night, to the screams of women."
"This evening, I am being released. I sit in the courtyard of the Psychiatric Asylum and write this. Half an hour ago, the women bid me farewell; they gathered about me: we all began crying together in loud, mournful tones. The eye on the lock shut itself: the door was opened. They stood clinging to the bars, still crying. I turned and asked, perplexed: âArenât you happy for me girls? Iâm finally free.â âNo Sara Shagufta.â They spoke, almost in one voice. âDonât you know? Youâre now stepping into the real mental asylum.â"
"At the bosom of the heaven, The woe keeps on spinning the wheel. The Milestone accompanies for hours, But the journey doesnât end anywhere. The night is ready to meet the dawn, But my distance is not yet over. My childrenâs misfortunes Have stained my clothes, And the aloneness continues to lick my blood. The straws I gather from the ridge of the suburb, The Sun transforms them into the woes. Itâs the eyes, that caused my dreams to burn, I remain under the sneaky watch of my own coffin."
"She awakens by the touch of the hunger, The snapping of the boughs, Yet two-draughts thirst more. God offers hunger, In how many flavours."
"I, who standing at the crossroad, Wish to return to my curve. He, whoâs stuck in the blood, Desires to live a bit more ⌠With the wall the shadow might have become one, As the grieves are soothing in the ocean. Thou steal the sunshine even from the setting sun, I rather evade the little darkness of the dawn. And the weary star of the daybreak, When left all alone on the firmament, I regard that moment. Each passing day on this earth Does sever a part of my years."
Young though he was, his radiant energy produced such an impression of absolute reliability that Hedgewar made him the first sarkaryavah, or general secretary, of the RSS.
- Gopal Mukund Huddar
Largely because of the influence of communists in London, Huddar's conversion into an enthusiastic supporter of the fight against fascism was quick and smooth. The ease with which he crossed from one worldview to another betrays the fact that he had not properly understood the world he had grown in.
Huddar would have been 101 now had he been alive. But then centenaries are not celebrated only to register how old so and so would have been and when. They are usually celebrated to explore how much poorer our lives are without them. Maharashtrian public life is poorer without him. It is poorer for not having made the effort to recall an extraordinary life.
I regret I was not there to listen to Balaji Huddar's speech [...] No matter how many times you listen to him, his speeches are so delightful that you feel like listening to them again and again.
By the time he came out of Franco's prison, Huddar had relinquished many of his old ideas. He displayed a worldview completely different from that of the RSS, even though he continued to remain deferential to Hedgewar and maintained a personal relationship with him.