journalists-from-italy

"(About the cinepanettone) I wonder if there are any other countries where, not just any old film, but the film that is expected to be the most watched of the year, is essentially an uninterrupted stream of vulgarity peppered with swear words: like a long obscene message on the wall of a station toilet. But that's clearly how Italy is. This, too, is the real Italy: its culture and its deepest impulses."

"Reclaiming this past and our own tradition in order to rediscover ourselves: this is the urgent task facing a country that knows and thinks."

"With the Lega ideology, you can be an excellent mayor in Varese, and even in Verona, but you can't govern Italy. [...] With the Lega Nord ideology, at best, you can be in government, but that is something entirely different from governing."

"In short, science as such is in no way a guarantee of wisdom or humanity."

"With a warm vocal style, a naturally vibrant energy and a bright but unassuming vivacity, supported by a repertoire of cleverly unconventional songs, Milly relies not so much on physical attractiveness as on the ironic and intriguing nature of her stage presence. And it is the charm of this presence – quite unusual for an Italian showgirl – that wins the hearts of many men, earning her devoted admiration that is ready to turn into burning passion. These are the years when there are persistent rumours of an affair between the singer and the young scion of the House of Savoy, the handsome Prince Umberto, an affair that was brought to an end (again (so the story goes) by direct intervention from the King. There are also many other stories, particularly involving writers and intellectuals, who were most susceptible to the light-hearted and mischievous charm of this petite Piedmontese woman, who seemed to know the art of capturing men's attention so well."

"There is indeed something unique about the way in which the memory of the Republic came to be formed, and about the way in which that memory has been and continues to be shaped by the country's official culture. For many decades, for example, it was forbidden to call what happened between 1943 and 1945 by its proper name, i.e., the Italian Civil War. To speak of a civil war was considered factually incorrect, and even more so ideologically suspect. People had to say that what had taken place was the resistance, not a civil war; at that time, only Salò veterans, those nostalgic for the regime, and a few courageous, high-profile journalists or publicists, such as Indro Montanelli, spoke and wrote about a civil war, thereby showing which side they still supported. Things went on like this for a long time. Then, in the early 1990s, as we know, a left-wing historian, Claudio Pavone, wrote a book on the period 1943–45 entitled 'A Civil War'. It is only since then that we have all been able to use this term without difficulty, although, of course, the word 'resistance' has by no means been erased."

"By now, the only thing that seems to keep us together is the desire to share the state budget, to carve up the spoils."

"Knowledge – the act of taking in the world and rethinking it within oneself – has been the constant instrument for the multifaceted growth of our communities; then there is our relationship with Antiquity, with our classical and Christian origins, which continues to be for us not only a source of global prestige but also an enduring reason for self-recognition, for a pietas of Remembrance and Preservation that encapsulates a universal aspect of civilisation; and finally, there is Italy's unique vocation for invention and for the harmony of forms, which, starting with the landscape and the myriad aspects of everyday life, has subsequently found expression in an immense artistic legacy: how we would like our Ministers for Education and Culture to remind the country of these things!"

"By electing Pope Joseph Ratzinger, the Catholic Church demonstrated, above all, its historical vitality and its proven wisdom as a political body, albeit of a very special kind. Indeed, faced with a difficult succession, its supreme assembly did not resort to compromise or half measures. It decisively cut the Gordian knot, demonstrating what a long-standing and conscious relationship with the dimension of leadership means. And it made a choice. It did not choose a surly conservative or a nosy inquisitor: despite many fears and many prejudices, Joseph Ratzinger is not that. Above all, he is a witness to our epochal drama, a man who is aware that – in the fiery blaze of time – entire historical universes, entire anthropological and cultural worlds that have shaped us for centuries, are in danger of being annihilated and disappearing; and he feels that, far from representing any kind of progress, this only paves the way to nothingness."

"Knowledge, Past and Beauty are the three great perspectives that have always defined and, in many ways, encompass our entire history. For centuries, these three perspectives have kept this small Mediterranean peninsula at the centre of the world's attention, carrying the name of Italy beyond all borders."

"In reality, the 'Padania' idea is a bluff that, so far, only the foolish timidity of the 'Italian' political forces has failed to 'see', and which Bossi is using for the sole purpose of highlighting his regional commitment and his electoral stronghold. However, in all other respects, it is utterly devoid of substance among the Lega Nord electorate itself."

"However, 'mentioning the word “Islam” on the jacket would immediately have given the reader the impression that the novel is anti-Islam,' objects Sgarbi, whereas in fact it is 'a nuanced interpretation of the relationship with the West'."

"If God exists, if there is a revelation, it cannot be anything other than that of Jesus Christ. Only here is there this moving solidarity with huma condition. You may not believe it, but all this is unparalleled."

"Storia è una parola grossa...non è una bestia che si può addomesticare."

"La filosofia sembra che si occupi solo della verità, ma forse dice solo fantasie, e la letteratura sembra che si occupi solo di fantasie, ma forse dice la verità."

"La smetta di frequentare il passato, cerchi di frequentare il futuro."

"During my career as a journalist, I have met too many spies to enjoy an unrealistic narrative; none of those I met looked like James Bond. Rather, I have always been fascinated by the Stasi headquarters I visited and that part of the secret archive that was destroyed. There is a black hole in our collective memory that has never been thoroughly investigated. [...] We continue to be [in the aftermath of the Cold War] up to our necks, just think of Russiagate... Or the submarine in which 14 Russian sailors recently died. It is most likely a vehicle used for special intelligence operations."

"I was very close friends with Ilaria's parents, and I discovered, for example, that she conducted her investigations without accompanying the troops, thus rejecting an 'embedded” point of view, and did not sleep with the other Italian journalists because she considered that place to be controlled. This alone gives an idea of the risks she exposed herself to, in addition to being a female journalist in a predominantly male world of correspondents in Somalia in 1994. But it still happens: last year alone, 80 journalists died around the world. When it happens, it almost seems like collateral damage, but it is not, because journalists are unarmed and only seek to tell the truth with their pens and cameras."

"I have no preconceptions. I've had representatives of Casa Pound in my studio, I've interviewed David Irving, who said terrible things about the gas chambers. I've never given anything away, I just do my job. [...] Talk shows record what is already there, we are seismographs."

"[...] I met Fiorenzo Angelini. At the time, he was only a bishop, but already the éminence grise of Catholic healthcare, with his fingers in five hospitals in Rome, four hundred properties and eight thousand hectares of agricultural land around the capital. He was the Giulio Andreotti of the Vatican, of whom he was a close friend. I met him in Kisima or Baragoi, I don't remember exactly. Anyway, on the road -so to speak- that led to Loiyangalani, on the shores of Lake Rudolf. He emerged from the bougainvillea of a lodge wearing a shirt, a pair of khaki shorts and a camera in his hand. Imagine Alberto Sordi in Will Our Heroes Be Able to Find Their Friend Who Has Mysteriously Disappeared in Africa?. Exactly. And after introducing himself, he asked for two pieces of information: where to get a good exchange rate on the black market and whether thirty thousand lire per kilo was an acceptable price for contraband ivory. It seemed like a joke."

"(About the Kidnapping of Aldo Moro) On that day, 16 March 1978, and for several hours afterwards, I believe that our country felt it was facing an insurrection, a civil war, or that a coup d'état might be underway. The gravity of that kidnapping and the level of the attack, directed at the heart of the state, were such that there were fears that there could be an offensive against our democracy. An offensive which, although limited to that event, was real."

"I like a young person who fights for the environment, even if he is naive and impetuous, and I don't criminalise him. It's always better than staying at home and wasting your time on TikTok. I really like this little finger raised against young people who throw washable paint at monuments. Those who condemn them are the same people who in the 1970s theorised armed struggle and threw Molotov cocktails. Protests are always extreme, but I prefer them to those who don't care. Interviewer': “There must be a middle ground...” Formigli: Middle ground doesn't get you very far. These protests need to be looked at carefully. It bothers me that they are being ridiculed. I have children and I worry about their future. If I were young, I would be as angry as them, if not more so."

"Oliviero was more cultured than me, quicker to understand, better at connecting the details and symptoms of the malaise that ate away at our future, if not entirely, then at least in large part. But he had one quality: he refused to give up. And so far, the journalist, the writer. Then there was the man. Or rather, first and foremost, the man. Generous and welcoming. In his own way, which was a beautiful way. His family knows what I'm talking about, his children know what I'm talking about. His grandson will know too."

"[Purgatori replies that he wrote a spy novel for many reasons, the first being:] because, having met many spies from the East, the West and many other countries over many years of work, I also wanted to portray their human side, which is very different from what we imagine. They are women and men like us, and like us they experience emotions, feelings, joys and sorrows, and it is curious, shall we say, that they have to live them, in a way, in the shadows. Even if sometimes these feelings then undermine the carefully planned projects that are supposed to change the world order."

"Interviewer: “You also went to Mediaset when Silvio Berlusconi was there.” Formigli: But Forza Italia was in opposition and there was a big issue on the table, the war in Kosovo. Berlusconi was sensitive to the subject, he has never been a warmonger and his latest comments on the conflict in Ukraine prove it. Michele Santoro, with whom I worked, took a critical line. Let's say there was a common sensitivity. Later, when we dealt with other issues and talked about Dell'Utri, the relationship soured and we returned to Rai."

"('He was on Michele Santoro's team and suffered the consequences of the Bulgarian edict) That edict changed my life. Looking back today, it was my good fortune, but neither Mauro Masi nor Silvio Berlusconi could have known that. I was 34 years old and held the position of special correspondent for Rai1 and Rai2. I was locked in a small room for a year, doing nothing from morning to night. I tried to move to Tg3, but they prevented me from doing so. I couldn't move; it was a real case of mobbing. In 2003, I moved to Sky, just before mid-August. I had a permanent contract with Rai and I resigned to take a temporary job with the satellite channel. With the programme “Controcorrente”, I learned to present and deal with an editor. I built my own team there and some of those people are still with me today."

"Alberto is a friend I respect; I don't consider him a competitor. [...] We share the choice to go to places where things have happened, we share the desire to bring a story to life with cinematic writing, we share the fact that we are not looking for television controversy, that we don't have to chase interviews with the politician of the moment. Apart from Ulisse and Atlantide, I don't think there is anything similar on Italian television. His ratings are extraordinary, mine are very good. This means that the audience is there."

"[The job of presenter and screenwriter] They are the same thing. At Atlantide, I don't improvise anything, it's all written in the script. I have to be convinced of what I say and I have to be careful with my words. I have to be precise."

"The fundamental mission for talk shows is to overcome laziness. When certain formats work and are successful, we tend to repeat them endlessly. My obsession, on the contrary, is to try to have an unexpected situation or guest. We presenters are marathon runners, we are on video for many weeks. Sometimes there is a temptation to take refuge in a safe construction. And that is a great danger."

"I produce reports with the aim of informing voters. Shouldn't we have talked about the Lega, Fratelli d'Italia and the Black Lobby during the election campaign? And when should we have done so? For me, democracy means supporting the fact that a person gives the Roman salute at a public meeting, and it is also democracy that that person is voted for and elected anyway."

"[Speaking of Piazzapulita] [...] My problem is not Rete4, but Rai3. I have always looked at Rai3's offering, because there is greater exchange between Rai – and especially the third channel – and La7. Viewers choose based on channel affinity. If a viewer changes channels from Rai3, they switch to us and vice versa. They are more contiguous worlds. That's why it's much more important for me to win the challenge with Rai3. Then, if I manage to capture the audience on Rete4, I'm happy, but I think they are more separate universes."

"There is still much to discover and report on the behaviour of the Belgian security apparatus, which, since the Charlie Hebdo attack (January 2015), had more than a suspicion to eradicate the jihadist network that subsequently attempted the massacre on the Amsterdam-Paris train (August 2015), carried out the Paris massacre (November 2015) and those in Brussels."

"(About Marco Pannella) If only a tenth of the support he received while ill had been there before, Italy would be a better country. Thanks mainly to him, some battles have been won: divorce and abortion above all. Another, that of civil unions, if he had been able to fight it on the front line, would have given us a more courageous law. He leaves before seeing the birth of a truly modern nation, where living wills are the norm, euthanasia is a right, and the legalisation of soft drugs is an obvious and severe response to organised crime. Marco was a great, unbearable fighter who was always on the wrong side. A wrong that was only apparent, as when, in 2003, he asked for Saddam Hussein's life to be spared, whose death fuelled future extremists. Or when, throughout his life, he fought against the indecent and systematic violation of the constitutional principle that prison should re-educate and not just afflict prisoners. Dear Marco, you wanted a secular and libertarian country. You left us too soon, but what you sowed will one day blossom."

"Today, the goal of the Islamic State is our social implosion. Its hope is that the refugee crisis will act as a detonator. The caliph has a compelling logic and a marked propensity for Western self-harm. He supports white supremacy, Donald Trump's toupee, burning suburbs, special laws, prisons in the desert, closed communities, banned mosques and burkinis. In three words: the “clash of civilisations”. Granting him this would be fatal."

"My commitment will be to bring Greenpeace into national issues. To adapt our global campaigns to the emergencies we have in our territory. So, first and foremost, there will be remediation. Then agriculture, to continue our victories against GMOs and now raise awareness about the pesticides that are exterminating bees. And thirdly, coal. It is unacceptable that it is still one of our primary sources of energy."

"I have always done investigations or written screenplays. In investigations, the facts speak for themselves, while in screenplays, it is the dialogue and the actor's expressions that speak. This time, I wanted to take the reader into the minds of the characters, and you can only do that by writing a novel."

"Of all the civil servants and politicians, did Ignazio Benito Maria La Russa have to become Vice-President of the Republic? He is the second highest office in the country, comes from a staunchly fascist family and makes no secret of his nostalgia for the twenty years of fascist rule. He may well be a good public servant, but seeing the baton passed from Liliana Segre to a man who refuses to celebrate 25 April and who keeps many statues and memorabilia of Il Duce in his home is shocking, and not just to me."

"I speak as a father. I believe that children perceive love above all else, regardless of their parents' gender. Of course, in the case of an adopted child, extra care is needed. Parents will have to explain to them in a balanced and careful way what love between two people of the same sex means and their desire to have a child. But I think that a gay couple who want to adopt have already thought long and hard about this."

"To be honest, I don't really like election campaigns. Seeing politicians say the same things every day isn't interesting [...] I prefer a more in-depth narrative that doesn't follow the latest controversy of the day. Talking only about bills is a bit of an excuse for not addressing other issues."

"I don't think Meloni is a fascist, in fact I rule it out. I don't think the Balilla will return. However, I fear a retreat from democracy and that the authoritarian Polish-Hungarian model will also advance in our country. In 2014, Orban defined Hungary as an illiberal democracy. Does Giorgia Meloni agree? I think there is a problem with fascism in her party, in the lower echelons of the leadership, in the suburbs. It is clear that some of her leaders and part of the electorate are uncomfortable with democracy, and she knows this very well. I would like to ask her if she is aware that there are some nostalgics in Fratelli d'Italia and if she would like to state that she does not want the votes of fascists. I would also like her to remove the flames, as they are a fascist symbol. I claim the right to raise these issues, even though I know you would react very badly."

"The interviews we see on many programmes only serve to reinforce everyone's convictions, they do not change a single vote and, in my opinion, they are useless."

"I am convinced that the right wing parties has stirred up fears and contributed in recent years to creating a climate of aggression towards foreigners."

"Interviewer: 'After almost a year, the honeymoon between Italians and the [Meloni] government seems to be continuing. Opposition talk shows like yours are feeling the effects.'] Formigli: [...] There is a country that wants revenge and has felt underrepresented for years. This desire to exist, to count and to take revenge on the left-wing power bloc is reflected in Rete4's programmes. The desire for revenge has kept Mediaset's audience high. Objectively speaking, the last elections saw a historic break, for better or for worse. This momentous event is being played out on Mediaset's networks, and I am not surprised."

"Interviewer: 'Does it still make sense to cry out about the danger of fascism, or does this risk fuelling a narrative that is now outdated? Formigli: It is clear that there is also a problem related to memory. I cannot stand those who are annoyed when the issue of fascism is raised. We have striking examples, starting with a president of the Senate who does not celebrate 25 April and who claimed that those killed in Via Rasella were semi-retired musicians. [...] Not to mention that fascist salutes continue to be used in the lower echelons of Fratelli d'Italia, with someone popping up every now and then. When Meloni openly declares herself to be anti-fascist, I think the controversy will end. But at that point, she will have to expel certain elements from her party."

"If thought is truth, then, if it encountered no obstacles, it would consist in the contemplation of itself. (p. 68)"

"Often, people find it in their interest not to think, or they lack the energy and intellectual perseverance necessary to think seriously. But if they think, overcoming the practical obstacles that stand in the way of thinking, they can arrive at the truth. (p. 67)"

"Carlo Antoni noted in his essays on Croce that the struggle over the distinction between activity and between ethical and economic-political practice initially changed, unnoticed by its author, the perspective of the entire edifice. Turning, in “'Filosofia della pratica”', with still only speculative interests, to the consideration of politics, Croce was critical, above all, of humanitarian, Enlightenment, egalitarian democracy. (p. 72)"

"Among the sailors and workers of Kronstadt, who rose up in early 1921 against the party's totalitarian dictatorship, there were many who had fought in the ranks of the Bolsheviks at the beginning of the Soviet revolution. Trotsky, who led the fierce repression of this rebellion, nevertheless succeeded in portraying them as instruments of the counter-revolution. (pp. 104-105)"

"Years ago, a curious debate took place in England: the poet Eliot wondered how it was possible to admire the work of a poet (in this case Goethe) whose ideas and conception of life were not accepted. The problem was declared insoluble. Yet the problem had already been solved by Marx, an admirer of Greek tragedy, which arose from a social structure and a conception of the world that was certainly not his own. Even Friedrich Nietzsche did not deny the art of Richard Wagner when he declared that Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg was an attack on civilisation, and he did not pose the problem because he recognised that there is no necessary cause-and-effect relationship between aesthetic admiration and ethical consent. In any case, such a problem cannot arise in Italy because Croce has been there. (p. 51)"

"Croce, for his part, was less Crocean than many of his followers because his temperament and taste were almost never overwhelmed by his theoretical schemes. (p. 46)"