First Quote Added
April 10, 2026
Latest Quote Added
"What is populism? In politics, it is the tendency of a person to appeal directly to an undefined ‘people’, whom they consider to be the bearers of positive values, in contrast to an undefined ‘elite’ (which we might call ‘the caste’, ‘the powers that be’, ‘the left’, sometimes ‘the right’, often ‘the politicians’, etc.), who are the bearers of negative values. From the populist's point of view, the people are obviously those who agree with their ideas, who applaud them and do not question them. Outside the people, and motivated by pernicious intentions, are those who do not follow the leader's ideas, or who in some way oppose or distort them, or simply doubt them."
"With Ballarò, I learned that there will always be someone who will describe what you do in a negative way. They say that video goes to your head. For me, it was a humbling experience."
"Power is not contested, it is conquered."
"Pragmatism helps you achieve your goals, but it also makes you forget them."
"Politics on TV can be very easy, even for politicians, or for politicians who pretend not to be politicians: populist politicians."
"The web was born as an attempt to open up the world and everyone's minds, but it has been reduced to a world where each of us seeks confirmation of what we already think."
"The truth exists, but we can never know if it is what we are saying."
"I prepare thoroughly and set myself a goal. And I usually manage to achieve it."
"I have always believed that being on the right means defending opportunities for everyone, while being on the left means working hard to ensure that everyone has more opportunities."
"I am sure that we should not be elitist. But the idea that because those who are in power now are not doing a good job, they can be replaced by anyone else because they are all the same, is a dangerous idea for the construction of a society. The idea that money is seen as a symbol of sin, that any step away from poverty or simplicity is a step away from purity, is a very dangerous idea."
"Everything has a future, if you invent something."
"The absolute lack of trust we have in the words and power of school to solve problems is condemning this country to decline. We have now shifted our focus from what can be given in terms of skills to what can be spent in terms of money: this is causing infinite damage to society, which is becoming permeated with the certainty that money can solve everything."
"The religious person proclaims the truth, the journalist seeks it. And if he believes he has found it, he must verify it, not trust it immediately. The thread of truth is a necessity for the journalist who reports: seeking the reason behind things means concentrating, analysing, studying, and giving importance to the words one is using."
"Why do I look pissed off? – begins the young manager, glaring at his audience as he paces up and down the stage at the company convention – I look pissed off because I sense mistrust, I sense expectation, I sense those critical looks you get when you watch a football match and you can't believe what's happening... everyone's an expert, why?"
"When a colleague mentioned the phenomenon of early graduates during a dinner, we all thought he was referring to young prodigies who had managed to finish their studies in record time. In reality, early graduates are not prodigies, but rather individuals who, thanks to agreements stipulated by the institutions where they work or the professional associations to which they belong, were able to enrol directly in the second or third year of their degree programme. (p. 187)"
"In Italy, to get something, you don't have to deserve it: ‘if you have to, make them feel sorry for you’. Closed systems are those that, hermetically sealed off from the surrounding reality, end up living a life of their own, based on rules, values and principles that are not shared by anyone other than those who are part of the system. In a closed organisation, we have leaders who would be followers elsewhere, we have performance evaluation criteria that would not be recognised as such in any other environment, we have numbers that would not be classified in other contexts. We have barons who would be squires elsewhere. (p. 195)"
"Those who get their hands on a professorship never let go and can afford to build their own power system: the privileges and prestige associated with teaching allow them to cultivate interests, and thus being a university professor can become a way to obtain commissions, consultancies, contracts, contacts and jobs useful for private studies. Without any exchange of money, but only through the exchange of favours and kindness, a system of power is consolidated that cuts out those who have no power. (p. 199)"
"The Finnish paradise was born in 1995, the year in which the system was completely reformed. When presenting the reform, the Minister of Public Education said that he dreamed of a school that would stimulate creativity and reflection, entertain and not humiliate. It seems he got what he wanted. What about us?"
"Are Italian professors in better shape than others? What is the secret to their longevity? After all, being a professor cannot be easy: continuous lectures, updating, theses to supervise, research to coordinate and articles to publish, all without stopping, otherwise the international community will cut you off. It cannot be easy to be a professor, unless you find someone to do all these things for you. (p. 90)"
"It is difficult to propose a reform of the university system that guarantees results. The idea that competitive examinations ensure excellent professors for all universities certainly does not seem to work. The reality is that if a department wants to hire an incompetent candidate, it will always manage to do so, regardless of the complex rules of public competitions. (p. 163)"
"But what is stopping meritocracy in Italy? Why has respect for ability and talent, which seems to have developed in the Anglo-Saxon world, not developed here? Giuseppe De Rita blames the education system, particularly state schools, which have levelled everything down, while economist Diorella Kostoris points out that in Italy the dominant idea is to protect those who do not deserve it. Thus, the system guarantees everything to everyone, and the result is that it causes adverse selection, i.e. it penalises the best instead of rewarding them. (p. 169)"
"Giovanni Floris, La fabbrica degli ignoranti, Rizzoli, Milano, 2008. ISBN 978-88-17-02486-0"
"Giovanni Floris, Mal di merito. L'epidemia di raccomandazioni che paralizza l'Italia, Rizzoli, Milano, 2007. ISBN 978-88-17-01957-6"
Young though he was, his radiant energy produced such an impression of absolute reliability that Hedgewar made him the first sarkaryavah, or general secretary, of the RSS.
- Gopal Mukund Huddar
Largely because of the influence of communists in London, Huddar's conversion into an enthusiastic supporter of the fight against fascism was quick and smooth. The ease with which he crossed from one worldview to another betrays the fact that he had not properly understood the world he had grown in.
Huddar would have been 101 now had he been alive. But then centenaries are not celebrated only to register how old so and so would have been and when. They are usually celebrated to explore how much poorer our lives are without them. Maharashtrian public life is poorer without him. It is poorer for not having made the effort to recall an extraordinary life.
I regret I was not there to listen to Balaji Huddar's speech [...] No matter how many times you listen to him, his speeches are so delightful that you feel like listening to them again and again.
By the time he came out of Franco's prison, Huddar had relinquished many of his old ideas. He displayed a worldview completely different from that of the RSS, even though he continued to remain deferential to Hedgewar and maintained a personal relationship with him.