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April 10, 2026
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"David Dimbleby: You couldn't - you couldn't set our minds at rest on the vexed question of what the Sunday Times did actually pay you for the book? Harold Wilson: No, I don't think it's a matter of interest to the BBC or to anybody else. Dimbleby: But why .. Wilson: If you're interested in these things, you'd better find out how people buy yachts. Do you ask that question? Did you ask him how he was able to pay for a yacht? Dimbleby: I haven't interviewed ... Wilson: Have you asked him that question? Dimbleby: I haven't interviewed him. Wilson: Well, has the BBC ever asked that question? Dimbleby: I don't know ... Wilson: Well, what's it got to do with you, then? Dimbleby: I imagine they have .. Wilson: Why you ask these question, I mean why, if people can afford to buy £25,000 yachts, do the BBC not regard that as a matter for public interest? Why do you insult me with these questions here? Dimbleby: It's only that it's been a matter of .. Wilson: All I'm saying, all I'm saying .. Dimbleby: … public speculation, and I was giving you an opportunity if you wanted to, to say something about it. Wilson: It was not a matter of speculation, it was just repeating press gossip. You will not put this question to Mr. Heath. When you have got an answer to him, come and put the question to me. And this last question and answer are not to be recorded. Is this question being recorded? Dimbleby: Well it is, because we're running film. Wilson: Well, will you cut it out or not? All right, we stop now. No, I'm sorry, I'm really not having this. I'm really not having this. The press may take this view, that they wouldn't put this question to Heath but they put it to me; if the BBC put this question to me, without putting it to Heath, the interview is off, and the whole programme is off. I think it's a ridiculous question to put. Yes, and I mean it cut off, I don't want to read in the Times Diary or miscellany that I asked for it to be cut out. [pause] Dimbleby: All right, are we still running? Can I ask you this, then, which I mean, I .. let me put this question, I mean if you find this question offensive then .. Wilson: Coming to ask if your curiosity can be satisfied, I think it's disgraceful. Never had such a question in an interview in my life before. Dimbleby: I .. [gasps] Joe Haines (Wilson's Press Secretary): Well, let's stop now, and we can talk about it, shall we? Dimbleby: No, let's .. well, I mean, we'll keep going, I think, don't you? Wilson: No, I think we'll have a new piece of film in and start all over again. But if this film is used, or this is leaked, then there's going to be a hell of a row. And this must be .. Dimbleby: Well, I certainly wouldn't leak it .. Wilson: You may not leak it but these things do leak. I've never been to Lime Grove without it leaking."
"As for the questions to Mr Wilson, the Governors insisted in a programme "devoted to the personal and political problems encountered in opposition, it was permissible and proper for a BBC reporter to ask Mr Wilson what money he received. ..." But that was not, apparently the view taken by the BBC hierarchy immediately after the interview on May 11. On May 12, Mr John Crawley, special assistant to Mr Charles Curran, the Director General, telephoned me to say that he had "no hesitation that the whole of that section will be destroyed, formally lost sight of and forgotten..." I still possess my original shorthand note of that conversation. And Mr Curran seemed to agree. Later in May, he sent to Mr Wilson the BBC tape of the interview saying to the best of his knowledge it was the only copy in existence. He even included an internal memo from the producer of the programme Miss [Angela] Pope, to Mr John Grist, head of BBC current affairs, which stated that the "offending question" was on "Take 240/1." That was the question deleted by the Governors at the last minute and whose transcript was subsequently leaked to the press. The undertaking I thought I had received from Mr Crawley was not the only only one: in the tape donated by Mr Curran, Miss Pope can clearly be heard answering the question whether the offending paragraph would be cut out: "Yes, of course we will.""
"Labour politicians, particularly Mr Richard Crossman in the New Statesman have adroitly succeeded in emitting such a smoke screen about the so-called misrepresentations to the participants about the nature of the programme that the truly real issue of the right of Mr Wilson to bully producers over what should or should not be included in a programme about him has been conveniently nudged into the background. The facts are that when Mr Wilson insisted that filmed material should be destroyed and that the BBC promise that no leaks about his sensitivity on this matter be leaked to the Press, the question of whether the the programme was trivial or provocative or misleading was not an issue. That came later. ... The row started because Mr Wilson insisted on personally censoring a BBC documentary about himself. Should he be given that right? Has any other citizen that right?"
"But was the BBC's posture of outraged innocence really justified? It has now admitted that the participants in Yesterday's Men should have been told of the real title beforehand: that the title and presentation changed the character of the film from that originally discussed with trusting politicians: that the theme music coloured the presentation and the participants should have known in advance that Yesterday's Men would invariably be compared with the sycophantic programme about Conservative policies the following night and steps should have been taken "to ensure that they could stand up to such comparison." Despite these damning admissions of misrepresentation and discrimination, there was ... no criticism of it in newspaper headlines. The Guardian was untypical when it proclaimed: "The BBC rejects charges by Yesterday's Men.""
"The BBC is aware of the conventions and practices relating to access to documents of former Prime Ministers and former Cabinet Ministers. The BBC accepts that Mr Harold Wilson conformed with the approved practice and acknowledges that any suggestion to the contrary would be unfounded. It has, however, been represented to the BBC that certain words used in relation to Mr Wilson in the programme Yesterday's Men broadcast on June 17 constitutes an allegation that he has made advantageous use of privileged or secret material in a unjustified fashion in relation to his new book. The BBC had no intention of conveying any such impression, but if the programme was so understood by any viewers the BBC expresses its regret."
Young though he was, his radiant energy produced such an impression of absolute reliability that Hedgewar made him the first sarkaryavah, or general secretary, of the RSS.
- Gopal Mukund Huddar
Largely because of the influence of communists in London, Huddar's conversion into an enthusiastic supporter of the fight against fascism was quick and smooth. The ease with which he crossed from one worldview to another betrays the fact that he had not properly understood the world he had grown in.
Huddar would have been 101 now had he been alive. But then centenaries are not celebrated only to register how old so and so would have been and when. They are usually celebrated to explore how much poorer our lives are without them. Maharashtrian public life is poorer without him. It is poorer for not having made the effort to recall an extraordinary life.
I regret I was not there to listen to Balaji Huddar's speech [...] No matter how many times you listen to him, his speeches are so delightful that you feel like listening to them again and again.
By the time he came out of Franco's prison, Huddar had relinquished many of his old ideas. He displayed a worldview completely different from that of the RSS, even though he continued to remain deferential to Hedgewar and maintained a personal relationship with him.