First Quote Added
April 10, 2026
Latest Quote Added
"Western Philology has converted it [the word arya] into a racial term, an unknown ethnological quantity on which different speculations fix different values."
"How could one recognize an Aryan, living or dead, when the biological criteria for Aryanness are non-existent?"
"The Aryan race theory is so absurd that it ought to have been dead long ago. But far from being dead, the theory has a considerable hold upon the people. . . . The first explanation is to be found in the support which the theory receives from Brahmin scholars. This is a very strange phenomenon. As Hindus, they should ordinarily show a dislike for the Aryan theory with its express avowal of the superiority of the European races over the Asiatic races. But the Brahmin scholar has not only no such aversion but most willingly hails it. The reasons are obvious. The Brahmin believes in the two nation theory. He claims to be the representative of the Aryan race, and he regards the rest of the Hindus as descendants of the non-Aryans. The theory helps him establish his kinship with the European races and share their arrogance and their superiority. . . . it helps him maintain and justify his overlordship over the non-Brahmins."
"Though it were proved that there was never an Aryan race in the past, yet we desire that in the future there may be one. This is the decisive standpoint for men of action."
"So persistent and widespread was Indian slavery that ending it proved nearly impossible. The Spanish Crown prohibited Native bondage under all circumstances in 1542, but the traffic continued. More than a century later, in the waning decades of the seventeenth century, the Spanish monarchs launched an empire-wide campaign to free all Indian slaves⌠Yet Indian slavery persisted."
"Racism against Native Americans, like all racism, is gendered. White women were said to need protection from rape by Indian men, who were portrayed as sexual animals. Native American women were extolled when they served white men (i.e., Pocahontas, Sacajawea) and were otherwise portrayed as exotic, shy, and reserved sexual creatures. The attempted annihilation of Native Americans in the United States happened. It was systematic, sanctioned by all levels of society and carried out by ordinary citizens as well as by the military and state militias."
"Colonialism as a theory of relationships is embedded in power, voice, and legitimacy. In Canada, it has radicalized Aboriginal peoplesâ identity, marginalized, and de-legitimized their knowledge and languages, and exploited their powerlessness in taking their lands."
"When a salesman at a popular beauty establishment commented that my name sounded âtribalâ or a clerk at a Fifth Avenue establishment informed me upon entry that they donât carry anything âsomeone like me would be interested in,â I asked to speak to the manager"
"I realized I was being accused of being a thief, I was being accused of stealing."
"I was a 55-year-old, middle-aged black woman and I didn't deserve that treatment."
"I no longer go into stores where I feel uncomfortable, or purchase from brands that drill that kind of behavior into their employees."
"We are a racist people in Egypt and we are in deep denial about it. On my Facebook page, I blamed racism for my argument and an Egyptian man wrote to deny that we are racists and used as his proof a program on Egyptian Radio featuring Sudanese songs and poetry! Our silence over racism not only destroys the warmth and hospitality we are proud of as Egyptians, it has deadly consequences."
"Racism is a worldwide phenomenon. In some countries it's met with disapproval, in others with denial. The A to Z of ethnic and religious groups in the Middle East embraces Alawites, Armenians, Assyrians, BahĂĄĘźĂs, Berbers, Copts, Druzes, Ibadis, Ismailis, Jews, Kurds, Maronites, Sahrawis, Tuareq, Turkmens, Yazidis and Zaidis and Nubians (by no means an exhaustive list), and yet serious discussion of ethnic/religious diversity and its place in society is a long-standing taboo. If the existence of non-Arab or non-Muslim groups is acknowledged at all, it is usually only to declare how wonderfully everyone gets along."
"Moreover the sense that Arab identity resonated with Islam did not disappear. Thus the tenth-Âcentury philosopher AbĹŤ Ęžl-ÂḤasan al-ÂĘżÄmirÄŤ, in a work in praise of Islam, emphasized that thanks to their ethnic tie (al-Ânisba al-Âjinsiyya) to the Prophet even those ArabsâÂthe majority of themâÂwho had remained in their homeland at the time of the con- quests had been honored by the fact that Islam could be called âthe religion of the Arabsâ (dÄŤn al-ÂĘżArab) and the resulting state their kingdom (mulk al-ÂĘżArab)... A seventeenth-Âcentury Syrian scholar made use of such traditions and much else in a demonstration of the superiority of the Arabs over the non-ÂArabs, 51 and the same ĘżAbd al-ÂGhanÄŤ al-ÂNÄbulusÄŤ averred that the Arabs are the lords of the Persians and Byzantines and that it was well known that the Arabs are more excellent than others. ... Such ideas were not confined to the Arabic- speaking parts of the Islamic world. In the eighteenth century the lingering prestige of the Arabs is evident in the attitudes of the great Indian scholar ShÄh WalÄŤ AllÄh DihlawÄŤ (d. 1762), who claimed descent from the second caliph. Thus, in a testament he left for his children and friends, he stated: âWe are Arab people whose ancestors fell into exile in the land of HindĹŤstÄn. The Arabness of our descent and language ( ĘżArabÄŤyat- i nasab wa ĘżArabÄŤyat- i lisÄn) are alike sources of pride for us.â The ground he gave for this pride in Arab identity was that it rendered the family close to MuḼammad; in gratitude for this great blessing, he urged that âso far as possible we should not give up the manners and customs of the ancient Arabs ( ĘżArab- i awwal) from whom the Prophet sprang, and that we should not allow among us the manners of the Persians and the customs of the Hindus.â"
"Indeed, the colonial white power structure has been a most formidable foe. It has perpetuated a vicious circleâthe poverty cycleâin which the black communities are denied good jobs, and therefore stuck with a low income and therefore unable to obtain a good education with which to obtain good jobs. [...] They cannot qualify for credit at most reputable places; they then resort to unethical merchants who take advantage of them by charging higher prices for inferior goods. They end up having less funds to buy in bulk, thus unable to reduce overall costs. They remain trapped. In the face of such realities, it becomes ludicrous to condemn black people for ânot showing more initiative.â Black people are not in a depressed condition because of some defect in their character. The colonial power structure clamped a boot of oppression on the neck of the black people and then, ironically, said âthey are not ready for freedom.â Left solely to the good will of the oppressor, the oppressed would never be ready. And no one accepts blame. And there is no âwhite power structureâ doing it to them. And they are in that condition âbecause they are lazy and donât want to work.â And this is not colonialism. And this is the land of opportunity, and the home of the free. And people should not become alienated. But people do become alienated."
"Institutional racism relies on the active and pervasive operation of anti-black attitudes and practices. A sense of superior group position prevails: whites are âbetterâ than blacks; therefore blacks should be subordinated to whites. This is a racist attitude and it permeates the society, on both the individual and institutional level, covertly and overtly. âRespectableâ individuals can absolve themselves from individual blame: they would never plant a bomb in a church; they would never stone a black family. But they continue to support political officials and institutions that would and do perpetuate institutionally racist policies. Thus acts of overt, individual racism may not typify the society, but institutional racism doesâwith the support of covert, individual attitudes of racism."
"The values of this society support a racist system; we find it incongruous to ask black people to adopt and support most of those values."
"Systemic racism is not simply a thing of the past. It is up close and personal in the present. Racism may be no more transparent in an institution with the least representative racial progress like the Senate. There have only been 11 Black senators in roughly 232 years. Clearly, the Senate is the exact space we need people with the courage to say the blunt, honest truth about our nationâs past and present. Only then can we actualize a future where systemic racism does not exist. It is imperative for a truth, reconciliation, and reparative process to commence. This starts with atoning for the enslavement of millions of Africans whose descendants continuously fall systemically behind, whether they end up being the lone Black Republican senator or a Black police officer who might have the power to pull him over. We must have the courage to speak truth to power and one of the places it starts is in Congress. âIf not now, then when?â"
"The point is to show the public that, like so much else in their repressive order, the label âsystemic racismâ is just another arbitrary tool, another potent bit of calculated rhetorical malice, by which they might effect their intended ends."
"â[Critical Race Theory proponents] teach that racism defines America and that systemic racism plagues our countryâs institutions . . Critical race theorists seek to remedy what they describe as âsystemic racismâ by turning back the clock on race relations and promoting a race-based view of the world.â"
"The core problem within the ghetto is the vicious circle created by the lack of decent housing, decent jobs and adequate education. The failure of these three fundamental institutions to work has led to alienation of the ghetto from the rest of the urban area as well as to deep political rifts between the two communities. In America we judge by American standards, and by this yardstick we find that the black man lives in incredibly inadequate housing, shabby shelters that are dangerous to mental and physical health and to life itself. [...] and highway clearance programs have forced black people more and more into congested pockets of the inner city. Since suburban zoning laws have kept out low-income housing, and the Federal Government has failed to pass open-occupancy laws, black people are forced to stay in the deteriorating ghettos. Thus crowding increases, and slum conditions worsen. [...] Here we begin to understand the pervasive, cyclic implications of institutional racism. Barred from most housing, black people are forced to live in segregated neighborhoods and with this comes de facto segregated schooling, which means poor education, which leads in turn to ill-paying jobs."
"There is a racial hierarchy in the U.S., and people of colorâparticularly black peopleâare at the bottom of it."
"Police brutality against people of color is a spectacular form of the racial violence that our nationâs criminal-justice system inflicts every day. If we back up, we will see that the police encounter that led to Floydâs death takes place within a larger context of mass incarceration. Presently, there are 2.3 million people housed in the countryâs prisons, jails and other criminal-justice facilities. By most measures, this number is remarkable. It means that the U.S. has the largest prison population in the world. China comes in second, imprisoning 1.7 million peopleâover half a million fewer people than the U.S., in a country of 1.4 billion. The U.S. number translates to the imprisonment of 698 people for every 100,000. This rate dwarfs the incarceration rates of the countries that the U.S. usually thinks of as its peers. Indeed, the rate at which the U.S. incarcerates its population is roughly six times the highest rate of incarceration among Western European nations. While these numbers, in and of themselves, might be disconcerting, they become even more disturbing when we consider the racial geography of the U.S.âs prison population: people of color, particularly black people, are disproportionately represented among those who are incarcerated. While black people constitute 12% of the U.S. population, they constitute 33% of the prison population. Thus, black people are dramatically overrepresented in the countryâs prisons and jails. Meanwhile, white people make up 64% of the U.S. population, but they make up just 30% of the prison population."
"This is why the society does nothing meaningful about institutional racism: because the black community has been the creation of, and dominated by, a combination of oppressive forces and special interests in the white community. The groups which have access to the necessary resources and the ability to effect change benefit politically and economically from the continued subordinate status of the black community. This is not to say that every single white American consciously oppresses black people. He does not need to. Institutional racism has been maintained deliberately by the power structure and through indifference, inertia and lack courage on the part of white masses as well as petty officials. Whenever black demands for change become loud and strong, indifference is replaced by active opposition based on fear and self-interest. The line between purposeful suppression and indifference blurs. One way or another, most whites participate in economic colonialism."
"This country, with its pervasive institutional racism, has itself created socially undesirable conditions; it merely perpetuates those conditions when it lays the blame on people who, through whatever means at their disposal, seek to strike out at the conditions."
"Mass incarceration means that this country approaches its problems through the criminal-justice system. When faced with a social ill, our nation responds by building more prisons and jails. Because incarceration is the tool that we use to address societal problems, we have erected few limitations on the policeâs ability to keep the social order. Police can stop whomever they want to stop whenever they want to stop them. They can investigate things that have no relation to the reason for the stop. They can use force. They can kill. [...] The criminal-justice system evidences the way a society that should care for and protect its people instead leaves black people susceptible to harm and with little control over their well-being. It does so through the tragically high numbers of black people who are in prisons and jails, in the disproportionate rates of incarceration of black people, in the violence of the tactics that governments have used to police communities of color, in the frequency with which black peopleâs encounters with the police end in death and in the infrequency with which police officers are indicted and convicted for killing black people. Proof of this countryâs racial hierarchy is everywhere. May we dismantle it in all its cruel, life-ending forms."
"Black people in this country form a colony, and it is not in the interest of the colonial power to liberate them. Black people are legal citizens of the United States with, for the most part, the same legal rights as other citizens. Yet they stand as colonial subjects in relation to the white society. Thus institutional racism has another name: colonialism. [...] Black people in the United States have a colonial relationship to the larger society, a relationship characterized by institutional racism. That colonial status operates in three areasâpolitical, economic, social."
"When white terrorists bomb a black church and kill five black children, that is an act of individual racism, widely deplored by most segments of the society. But when in that same cityââfive hundred black babies die each year because of the lack of proper food, shelter and medical facilities, and thousands more are destroyed and maimed physically, emotionally and intellectually because of conditions of poverty and discrimination in the black community, that is a function of institutional racism. When a black family moves into a home in a white neighborhood and is stoned, burned or routed out, they are victims of an overt act of individual racism which many people will condemnâat least in words. But it is institutional racism that keeps black people locked in dilapidated slum tenements, subject to the daily prey of exploitative slumlords, merchants, loan sharks and discriminatory real estate agents. The society either pretends it does not know of this latter situation, or is in fact incapable of doing anything meaningful about it."
"The assertion that blacks must rely on white people to solve all their problems by somehow ending systemic and institutional racism is both nonsensical and self-defeating. By focusing on the past and present sins of white America as the source of all our problems, we ignore the enemy within, and that which is in our power to change. We turn a blind eye to the destruction within our communities that is consuming more of our lives than the Klan ever did, even at the height of its power."
"Racism is both overt and covert. It takes two, closely related forms: individual whites acting against individual blacks, and acts by the total white community against the black community. We call these individual racism and institutional racism. The first consists of overt acts by individuals, which cause death, injury or the violent destruction of property. This type can be recorded by television cameras; it can frequently be observed in the process of commission. The second type is less overt, far more subtle, less identifiable in terms of specific individuals committing the acts. But it is no less destructive of human life. The second type originates in the operation of established and respected forces in the society, and thus receives far less public condemnation than the first type."
"Unfortunately systemic racism seems to ripple through our social institutions and into our daily social interactions, whether in Congress or at a coffee shop down the street from the Capitol. [...] Systemically, we know that Black people compared to whites are more likely to attend schools with less funding per student, less likely to obtain a job because of our âBlack-soundingâ name or even when attending an Ivy League university, less likely to obtain a home loan (even when having the same credit score), have their homes appraised for equitable value, more likely to experience pregnancy complications and maternal mortality, and more likely to have contact with police and the criminal justice system. Systemic racism inhibits (rather than prohibits like in the past) peopleâs ability to actualize all aspects of the American Dream. This occurs even for highly-educated Black people with high incomes and no criminal record. In fact, research documents that white people with a criminal record are more likely to get called back for a job than Black people without one."
"She (Kamala Harris) was fusion politics indeed. She was the second Black woman to be the vice president on a major ticket, first on the stage to debate. You know, I couldnât help but go to the Book of Exodus, where it talked about where God said, âIf you donât let my people go, Iâm going to cause flies to come as a sign of whatâs wrong. But I wonât let the flies be on the people, but the fly will be a symbol that youâre just wrong. Youâre lying. Let my people go.â And Trump and Pence need to let the people go. Theyâve been holding poor and low-wealth people hostage, essential workers hostage. Itâs time for a change in this country."
"Reverend Barber, at one point during the debate, a fly landed on Penceâs head for nearly two-and-a-half minutes, prompting widespread commentary online. Professor Ibram X. Kendi, author of the best-selling book How to Be an Antiracist, tweeted, âAs soon as Pence started denying the existence of systemic racism, the fly got him!â"
"Critical Race Theory is the âstudyâ of this so-called systemic racism, if by âstudyâ we mean âtreasure hunt to find racism in everything.â"
"Users of the phrase seldom offer any evidence beyond citing a fact about racial disparity while asserting shadowy structural causes that are never fully specified. We are all simply supposed to know how âsystemic racism,â abetted by âwhite privilegeâ and furthered by âwhite supremacy,â conspire to leave blacks lagging behind. American history is rather more subtle and more interesting. Such disparities have multiple, interacting causes, ranging from culture to politics to economics and, yes, to nefarious doings of institutions and individuals who may well have been racist. But acknowledging this complexity is too much nuance for those alleging âsystemic racism.â"
"It is inappropriate for progressive or liberal white people to expect warriors in brown armor to eradicate racism. There must be co-responsibility from people of color and white people to equally work on this issue."
"Those who study human behavior attribute hate speech more to deep personality issues than a diagnosable mental illness. But they're also intrigued by how the white supremacy movement is rebranding itself for the 21st century. The well-known racist symbols of white robes and hoods or shaved heads and torches have given way to a clean-cut subtlety for the millennial generation... Young people with a troubled past are especially vulnerable, said psychologist Ervin Staub, of Holyoke, Massachusetts, a professor emeritus at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst who studies social processes that lead to violence... A 2015 report from the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism found that former members of violent white supremacist groups showed almost half (45 percent) reporting being the victim of childhood physical abuse and about 20 percent reporting being the victim of childhood sexual abuse... humans are complex. In the deep South, it was once common for otherwise upstanding citizens â mayors, sheriffs and judges, among others â to also be members of the KKK."
"I have a message to the neo-Nazis, to the white nationalists, and to the neo-Confederates: Your heroes are losers. You are supporting a lost cause. And believe me, I knew the original Nazis, because you see, I was born in Austria in 1947, shortly after the Second World War. And growing up, I was surrounded by broken men, men who came home from a war filled with shrapnel and guilt, men who were misled into a losing ideology. And I can tell you: that these ghosts you idolize spent the rest of their lives living in shame and right now, theyâre resting in hell."
"Two prominent Republicans, Sen. Mitt Romney and Rep. Liz Cheney, are calling out members of their own party for speaking at America First Political Action Conference (AFPAC), a white nationalist answer to the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC)."[Reps.] Marjorie Taylor Greene and [[Paul Gosar|[Paul] Gosar]], I donât know them,â Romney said on CNNâs State of the Union Sunday. âBut Iâm reminded of the old line from Butch Cassidy where one character says, âMorons, I have morons on my team.â I think anybody who would sit down with white nationalists at their conference is missing a few IQ points.â"
"Since Donald Trump won the Presidential election, there has been a dramatic uptick in incidents of racist and xenophobic harassment across the country. The Southern Poverty Law Center has reported that there were four hundred and thirty-seven incidents of intimidation between the election, on November 8th, and November 14th, targeting blacks and other people of color, Muslims, immigrants, the L.G.B.T. community, and women. One woman in Colorado told the S.P.L.C. that her twelve-year-old daughter was approached by a boy who said, âNow that Trump is President, Iâm going to shoot you and all the blacks I can find.â At a school in Washington State, students chanted âbuild a wallâ in a cafeteria. In Texas, someone saw graffiti at work: âno more illegals 1-20-17,â a reference to Inauguration Day. Such harassment occurred throughout Trumpâs campaign, but now appears to have taken on a new boldness, empowered by the election of a Ku Klux Klan-endorsed candidate who has denigrated women and racial and religious minorities."
"Following the horrific terror attack in New Zealand, President Trump said he didnât think there was a growing threat of white nationalism. For Factâs Sake, Ali Velshi and Stephanie Ruhle break down how white nationalism actually is on the rise â particularly in the United States."
"White populists complain they are losing ground to minorities in terms of status and power. At the same time, they assert with increasing belligerence that their country is the greatest in the world. On its face, this pair of claims is puzzling: Why would your allegiance grow to a society you feel is treating your people poorly? According to a new study, it makes perfect sense from a psychological perspective. Researchers... [at] the University of Oxford and... the University of Auckland argue that the negative feelings arising from perceived group decline can be counteracted by the conviction that your country is strong and powerful. In other words, if one group you identify with (whites) no longer provides the same comforting sense that you are a part of a powerful "we," you can latch onto the strength of a different group you identify with... The new findings "provide an explanation for the rise of nationalism," the researchers write in the journal Political Psychology. "Endorsing beliefs about national superiority is one way a nation's dominant ethnic group can cope with the negative psychological consequences of perceiving that their group is deprived.""
"Racist isnât a descriptive word. Itâs a pejorative word. It is the equivalent of saying, âI donât like you.â âRacistâ is just a slur word,â he said. âI think race is real, and I think race is important. And those two principles do not mean I want to harm someone or hate someone. But the notion that these people can be equal is not a scientific way of looking at it.â"
"Arno Michaelis, a former racist whoâs now an anti-extremism activist, was a member... in the late 1980s and early â90s... Hammerskin Nation, whose website states, âWe must secure the existence of our people and a future for White Children.â Michaelis said recruiters for extremist groups target white people â often working class and ex-military â who believe theyâve been victimized and short-changed by society. âSo thatâs what we would do,â he said, âis look for ways that people were suffering, look for whatever is wrong in their life, and then we would try to spin that problem into our narrative and invite them in as a means to addressing that problem.â This fear of becoming a minority is one commonly shared among far-right extremists, regardless of otherwise differing ideologies. Michaelis said the reinforcement of this fear is key to the radicalization process. âAll white-power ideology stems from the idea that white people are oppressed,â he said. âAnd therefore anything goes in order to fight this oppression, the same way that anyone else who felt oppressed would justify fighting against what they see as their oppressors.â He said it was the people who treated him with undeserved kindness that ultimately motivated him to reject racism."
"This nationalist duality has intensified the battle over the border wall. The conflict is not really about the barrierâs physical composition, length or cost. Rather, it is about which conception of the nation will prevail. To civic nationalists, locking out migrants betrays the creed they hold dear. Racial nationalists are convinced that people of color and Muslim faith are invaders bent on subverting their America, abetted by cosmopolitan elitists. These attitudes have been rolled into already polarized party identities. And because American voters are fixated on the national narrative, candidates, officials and mediated voices in every state must attend to the issue."
"Last Thursday night I happened to be on Twitter when news of the New Zealand massacre hit. Not realizing the magnitude of the horror... I quickly clicked away, but I'm afraid I won't ever be able to forget what I saw before I did. But the one thing I knew from the moment I saw the guns and heard the words, "Let's get this party started" was that this was a white supremacist terrorist. That macho, pseudo-warrior, "white power" swagger is all too familiar these days... The killer's manifesto, entitled "The Great Replacement," which he posted online... filled with white supremacist dogma and coy internet tropes designed to troll people who are unfamiliar with the jargon, while speaking to his mates in the racist online forums he frequented. There can be no doubt that there is a growing international white identity movement. And we can no longer ignore the fact that by failing even to admit that such a movement exists, the president of the United States is empowering and enabling it. In using the rhetoric of hate, he has aligned himself with it."
"Days after a deadly attack on two mosques in New Zealand by a gunman who appeared to align with the white supremacist movement, Virginia Democratic Sen. Tim Kaine said President Trump's rhetoric emboldens white nationalists around the world. "The president uses language often that's very similar to the language used by these bigots and racists. And if he's not going to call it out, then other leaders have to do more to call it out and I certainly will," Kaine told "Face the Nation." "I think the president is using language that emboldens them." The suspected gunman in the New Zealand shooting had written a manifesto referencing "white genocide" driven by "mass immigration" and accused Muslims of invading the country. He also directly referenced Mr. Trump in his writings."
"We should recognize that white male supremacy is a deep current in American history. Itâs not gonna go away immediately. But there have been dents, significant ones. So for example, even in the mainstream, when the New York Times ran the 1619 Project, it couldnât have happened a couple of years earlier. And itâs because of changes in general consciousness and awareness. Of course, there was an immediate backlash, strong backlash, and youâre gonna expect that, white male supremacy is a deep part of American history and culture. To extirpate it is not gonna be easy. And, but there are, thereâs very significant progress. Plenty of conflict coming. Itâs not gonna be an easy struggle."
"Expressing deep frustration and anger over President Donald Trumpâs ongoing refusal to unequivocally condemn white nationalism, critics on Sunday pushed back against the White Houseâs dismissal of reports that the suspect in last weekâs Christchurch mosque attacks admired the presidentâeven as Trump once again expressed support for white supremacist views... âThis is a president who peddled the birther conspiracy about President Obama, called for a complete and total shutdown of Muslims, said he was open to closing down mosques in this country after the Paris attacks, has suggested that heâs open to getting rid of Muslims in this country,â said Waleed Shahid, communications director for Justice Democrats, on CNN. âI mean if thatâs not white nationalism then I donât know what is.â The mention of Trump in the suspectâs writings called to mind for many Trump critics the presidentâs refusal to condemn white supremacists who staged a violent rally in Charlottesville in 2017, his characterization of Central American immigrants as âinvaders,â and his executive order banning travelers from several majority-Muslim countriesâone of his very first actions as president."
"According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, an advocacy group that tracks hate and bigotry toward marginalized communities, there were at least 950 active hate groups in the United States in 2017, up from 917 the previous year. Experts say the term âhate groupâ is increasingly difficult to define, as extremist groups grow in number, diversify in ideology and use codewords to spread their messages. âI think theyâre scared theyâre going to lose everything theyâve worked for, their standing in society and everything thatâs dear to them,â said A.J. Marsden, assistant professor of psychology at Beacon College in Leesburg, Florida. âIn our culture, it has been traditionally easier for white people to get good jobs, for them to go to school, to get a good education, et cetera, and I think they start to see their opportunities narrowâ..."