Politicians From Italy

"(About the possible successor to Silvio Berlusconi) The issue has not yet arisen, for the moment. However, the two most likely candidates are currently Gianfranco Fini and Giulio Tremonti. They are neck and neck. [...] I do not see any women as future leaders; no one in Forza Italia is ready, nor indeed in the entire centre-right."

"The transformation of the electorate into a television audience has raised the quality of democracy and brought direct democracy closer to parliamentary democracy, thus bringing Western democracy closer to its model, Athenian democracy, the original form of direct democracy."

"Between us and the left lies the blood of Craxi, which cries out for vengeance before God."

"The West has lost its faith but not the wisdom and hope of faith [...], the Christian roots of the West appear precisely when they are no longer recognised."

"The Islamic God has nothing in common with man: he is a Presence without measure, blending personality and impersonality in himself. [...] For the Christian, it is clear here what the Trinity means to him, namely that God is a relationship between persons, that is, intrinsically human. [...] The Christian God is a person and can only be understood as a relationship between persons."

"In the 20th century, Christian Democracy performed the function that the States of the Church had performed for fourteen hundred years"

"Andreotti did everything and the opposite of everything; Forlani did nothing and the opposite of nothing."

"(About the cultural roots of Umberto Bossi) A little bit of right-wing Fascism, a little bit of Marxism in slang."

"Craxi's politics have the present, they have the future, they have eternity."

"I have always noticed that the only figure defined as "unjust" in the Gospel is that of a judge: and it seemed to me an apt definition. Fascism was less hateful than this robed bureaucracy that used violence in the name of justice. In the history of Italy, if freedom had prevailed, as I now believe to be certain, the names of the magistrates of Milan, Antonio Di Pietro, Borrelli, Davigo, and Boccassini would have been forever signati nigro lapillo as figures to be remembered with horror, those of the unjust judge."

"[When asked if he had ever experienced homosexual feelings] Certainly. And more than once. I experience friendship in a very strong way, even in these terms. After all, I believe that homosexuality can be a Christian fact [...] The Church can admit that two people of the same sex exchange affection and use purely erotic terminology [...] Pope Paul VI in the document Persona humana defines homosexuality as a ‘disordered condition’, not a sinful one. What does ‘disordered condition’ mean? This needs to be discussed."

"On the front of anti-clericalism and aversion to the Church, we are witnessing a real drift, parallel to certain political battles. There is an anti-Christian tide rising in Europe, an anti-Catholic sentiment. It is difficult to predict exactly what will happen. Violence no longer affects only politics but also the symbolic part of society. Therefore, it also affects the Church. :*Quoted in Roberto Zuccolini, Baget Bozzo: è il segno dell' anticlericalismo dilagante (Baget Bozzo: it is a sign of rampant anticlericalism), Corriere della sera”', 30 April 2007, p. 3."

"I don't like Costanzo. We argued in 1994 when he presented Berlusconi with an audience of hostile people. Vespa, on the other hand, created Porta a Porta, a masterpiece. He has been more useful than Costanzo. “'Porta a Porta”' is the most useful thing there is for the centre-right."

"Europe has received from the United States the imprint of Christianity in freedom. (p. 137)"

"Leo Valiani, Terrore a porte chiuse, in Storia illustrata, Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, Milano, n. 339, February 1986, pp. 104-112."

"Among the sailors and workers of Kronstadt, who rose up in early 1921 against the party's totalitarian dictatorship, there were many who had fought in the ranks of the Bolsheviks at the beginning of the Soviet revolution. Trotsky, who led the fierce repression of this rebellion, nevertheless succeeded in portraying them as instruments of the counter-revolution. (pp. 104-105)"

"Carlo Antoni noted in his essays on Croce that the struggle over the distinction between activity and between ethical and economic-political practice initially changed, unnoticed by its author, the perspective of the entire edifice. Turning, in “'Filosofia della pratica”', with still only speculative interests, to the consideration of politics, Croce was critical, above all, of humanitarian, Enlightenment, egalitarian democracy. (p. 72)"

"As leader of the victorious Red Army, and as an overwhelming public speaker and brilliant writer, Trotsky, who before joining Bolshevism in 1917 had been an independent left-wing socialist, enjoyed great popularity. However, he lacked the skills for behind-the-scenes manoeuvring, faction-building, intrigue and cunning, which, especially in a dictatorship where open dissent and public political debate are prohibited, counted more than anything else. These were qualities, if they can be called that, which the party's general secretary, Stalin, possessed in abundance. (p. 105)"

"Stalin improvised the economic programme with top-down planning for rapid industrialisation and the forced collectivisation of the countryside, accompanied by the physical liquidation of millions of reluctant peasants. It was a new civil war won by the totalitarian state, which propaganda, as false as it was effective, defined as the immediate realisation of socialism, arousing waves of genuine enthusiasm among the younger generation and, at the same time, using coercive measures of unlimited brutality. (p. 106)"

"If thought is truth, then, if it encountered no obstacles, it would consist in the contemplation of itself. (p. 68)"

"Vittorio de Caprariis, Eugenio Montale, Leo Valiani, Benedetto Croce, Edizioni di Comunità, 1963."

"Often, people find it in their interest not to think, or they lack the energy and intellectual perseverance necessary to think seriously. But if they think, overcoming the practical obstacles that stand in the way of thinking, they can arrive at the truth. (p. 67)"

"[...] Croce always felt at ease with artists who were fully “sliricati”, totally adhering to a fundamental motif, to a unified state of mind. Artists such as Ludovico Ariosto and Giovanni Verga seemed to have been born especially for him because every page they wrote contained him in his entirety. (p. 43)"

"Croce, for his part, was less Crocean than many of his followers because his temperament and taste were almost never overwhelmed by his theoretical schemes. (p. 46)"

"Years ago, a curious debate took place in England: the poet Eliot wondered how it was possible to admire the work of a poet (in this case Goethe) whose ideas and conception of life were not accepted. The problem was declared insoluble. Yet the problem had already been solved by Marx, an admirer of Greek tragedy, which arose from a social structure and a conception of the world that was certainly not his own. Even Friedrich Nietzsche did not deny the art of Richard Wagner when he declared that Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg was an attack on civilisation, and he did not pose the problem because he recognised that there is no necessary cause-and-effect relationship between aesthetic admiration and ethical consent. In any case, such a problem cannot arise in Italy because Croce has been there. (p. 51)"

"Moderation is needed to resolve the Middle East conflict. As things stand today, the PLO is an obstacle to peace. If it does not renounce armed struggle and terrorism, if it does not give Israel security guarantees within agreed borders, it must be excluded from Hussein's negotiations."

"An internationally renowned novelist, Arthur Koestler, whose most popular book earned him a flattering review from Benedetto Croce, recounted in “The Earth's Foam” how Croce's philosophy was our daily topic of conversation even in the concentration camp. (p. 59)"

"Prisons are places conducive to reading philosophical texts. Silvio Spaventa, Croce's uncle, spent his years of life imprisonment well, meditating on the works of Hegel. (p. 61)"

"The more women try to assert themselves as equal to men in dignity, value and rights, the more men react violently. The fear of losing even a few crumbs of power makes them vulgar, aggressive and violent. [...] These are men who do not accept female autonomy and who, often out of weakness, want to control women and subjugate them to their will. Sometimes they are insecure and have little self-confidence, but instead of trying to understand what exactly is wrong in their lives, they blame women and hold them responsible for their failures. Gradually, they turn women's lives into a nightmare. And when women try to rebuild their lives with someone else, they seek them out, threaten them, beat them, and sometimes kill them. Paradoxically, many of these crimes of passion are nothing more than a symptom of the “decline of the patriarchal empire”. As if violence were the only way to avert the threat of loss. To continue to maintain control over the woman. To reduce her to a mere object of possession. But when the person you love is nothing more than an object, not only does the relational world become hell, but love also dissolves and disappears."

"By concealing what it covers, the veil, by definition, manages to both “show” and “avert the gaze”. From this point of view, it is generally used to protect oneself from the gaze of others, to escape the logic of shame. To show oneself and be seen, one must want to do so: to allow the gaze of others to rest on us without hurting us. The veil can then be a shelter for the woman who wears it, provided, however, that she never closes herself off completely. If it serves to protect the mystery of the body, it must also allow something to be glimpsed: the eyes, an ankle, a strand of hair. Otherwise, there is a risk of it becoming a “shroud”."

"The comparison between Yasser Arafat and Giuseppe Mazzini does not hold up. Mazzini was opposed to the terrorist plans of certain factions of the Carbonari. In fact, he generally disapproved of the Carbonari and broke with them. This is one of his historical merits. He wanted an association, the “Giovine Italia”, which would call for open political struggle. This also included the use of arms against absolutist and tyrannical governments that did not allow any freedom. But it was an armed struggle aimed at mobilising public opinion, not at physically suppressing opponents."

"Israel is not Austria, which kept Lombardy-Veneto under its heel. It is like the constitutional Austria of 1867, which opened its Parliament to minorities, to the Italians of Trento, Trieste and Pola. No one denies the Palestinians living in the occupied territories the right to irredentism. I fully recognise that. But under that Austria, would Italian irredentists have done well to resort to terrorism? Even in Trieste, many distanced themselves from Oberdan's plan to assassinate the king. His attempt would have had dramatic consequences if it had been carried out."

"They were just idealists. In addition to a political organisation, Arafat administers large financial interests under the banners of petrodollars, sheikhs and, in general, Arab states that are anything but democratic. Israel is much more so."

"Of course, it would be good to evacuate the territories occupied in the 1967 war, with the exception of Jerusalem, which is a special case. But this cannot be expected if an organisation that practises terrorism against Israel and whose aim is the destruction of that state is established in these territories. No one can be asked to commit suicide."

"I am the first to criticise Israeli policy in the West Bank, the settlements, the restrictions on democratic freedoms, everything that is reactionary and repressive. I criticise Israel's very presence in those territories. But I do not demand its suicide."

"As those who identify moral dilemmas and try to resolve them by advancing moral principles, values and norms know well, every dilemma, by definition, is dramatic, desperate and hopeless. When faced with a moral dilemma, one always makes the wrong choice; whatever decision one makes, one always ends up regretting what one has said or done. :*From a speech to the Chamber of Deputies, 9 July 2013, quoted in Chamber of Deputies – XVII Legislature – Stenographic Report of the Assembly – Session No. 49 of Tuesday, 9 July 2013 – Continuation of the discussion of the bill: Conversion into law of Decree-Law No. 61 of 4 June 2013, containing new urgent provisions for the protection of the environment, health and labour in the operation of businesses of national strategic interest (A.C. 1139-A)“”."

"The problem of insults, so-called “hate speech”, is complex. The phenomenon has been analysed by some American feminists who, by deconstructing the mechanisms of male domination, have pointed the finger at the vicious circle of “hate speech” that assigns women a well-defined role from which they can no longer escape. All those who dare to loudly claim equal civil rights are not taken seriously: their claims are immediately discredited and, instead of arguments, the insidious weapon of insults is used against them to silence them. [...] When you shout at a woman that she is a “slut”, at a homosexual that he is a “faggot” or at a black person that he is a “dirty nigger”, you do so because the other person cannot respond. What matters is not the argument you use. There is no argument, no idea, no rationality in the insult. The aim is always the same: to hurt the other person so that they remain silent."

"The real struggle for Italian women today is to work on the “contents” and no longer just on the “containers” of equality, striving to change male attitudes and mentalities. The emancipation of women has not yet led to the hoped-for balance because the vast majority of men do not want to give up their privileges."

"The possibility of breaking the “glass ceiling” is linked to the need for women to learn to “network”. We must gradually build a system of female relationships that becomes a resource for all. A system that allows us to break out of the “invisible cage” in which many of us still find ourselves, because the tendency to give in to social pressures is still strong. [...] As long as women accept as a given that they have to work a “double shift” and do not fight, by “networking”, to change the mentality of men, no law will ever be able to rid them of the “glass ceiling” that continues to discriminate against them. The freedom won in the 1960s and 1970s is no longer enough. To make it effective and achieve equality, we need to rediscover the value of solidarity."

"As time goes by, Italy is witnessing a systematic attack on feminist achievements. Whether it is degrading representations in the media or sexist language used in politics, the result is always the same: to “put women in their place”, reminding them that their “natural” place is beside men, silent and aware of male superiority. Ultimately, the political system and the television system are wonderfully intertwined and reflect a very precise view of gender roles. Men have the right to speak. Women must limit themselves to being beautiful and keeping quiet."

"The problem for women suffering from anorexia is not hunger. Because in reality, anorexics [...] are always hungry. They have an enormous appetite. A hunger that constantly haunts them, precisely because they “cannot” and “must not” eat. The real problem with anorexia is the feeling of omnipotence that arises when you feel you can control everything, even hunger. In their emaciated bodies, anorexics defy death, even as they carry it around like a medal to show off; they defy desires, denying the body's basic needs, even as desire can no longer emerge; they defy social norms in order to feel free, even as they construct for themselves a system of uncompromising laws that they can never transgress."

"The more women try to assert themselves as equal in dignity, value and rights to men, the more men react violently. The fear of losing even a few crumbs of power makes them aggressive, brutal and vulgar. [...] These are men who do not accept female autonomy and who, often out of weakness, want to control women and subjugate them to their will. They use violence (from verbal to physical and sexual) for fear of losing their power: their attitude is perceived as “normal”; it is part of the script of masculinity to which they generally adhere deeply."

"The days I have lived are part of my history. The joys I have known have shaped me. Without the past, which is inevitably written on my body, I would not be who I am. Erasing every mark that time leaves on our bodies means, in essence, erasing our memory as well. It means oblivion, not wanting to know, not wanting to show. It means underestimating the importance of experience, deluding ourselves that immediacy is the only value worth recognising. We cannot want to “be” and “have been” at the same time, be seventy years old and behave as if we were forty."

"Paradoxically, the “decline of the patriarchal empire” goes hand in hand with an increase in violence against women. The emancipation of women has not yet led to the hoped-for balance. On the contrary, men's need to demonstrate their superiority takes on extremely disturbing forms. Behind rape there is almost always a need to humiliate women, a desire to leave a mark on these beings who continue to be considered inferior."

"Until they stop perceiving themselves as men see them, women will not be able to build self-esteem on their own. [...] To regain self-confidence, women cannot simply “decide” or “impose” it on themselves. They must gradually learn not to depend on the gaze of men; not to feel beautiful only when a man tells them so; not to feel good only when their boss or professor approves of them."

"Unlike girls, who quickly find themselves confronted with a particular aspect of their femininity when they start menstruating, boys find it more difficult to understand what it means to become men. The construction of “masculinity” depends greatly on the cultural and social environment to which young people belong. In some environments, for example, boys learn that to become men, they must display arrogance, violence and contempt for women. Masculinity then becomes a precious commodity that must be protected against all attacks that may come from the weak, from “sissies” and from homosexuals. Masculinity, a distinctive sign of manhood only when it demonstrates the inferiority of women, drives these young men in disarray to lash out against all those who “waste” it. It is no coincidence that the most violent attacks against homosexuals come precisely from those who despise women and consider them inferior to men."

"Self-esteem does not solve all problems, and it is not insufficient self-esteem that causes the marginalisation of women. On the contrary, precisely because they are marginalised and constantly devalued, women find it difficult to value themselves."

"The vicious circle in which many women find themselves today is always the same: they find it difficult to assert themselves to others, both in their personal and professional lives, but they are very good at blaming themselves and becoming discouraged when they encounter difficulties or are criticised. [...] If men stopped criticising and started encouraging women, however, they would lose some of the power they try so hard to maintain and would therefore, at least from their point of view, be “shooting themselves in the foot”. It is up to us women to learn to do without men's recognition and to help each other to begin to recognise the value of what we do and who we are."

"Barbie was our icon. Her success depended on her perfect body, regardless of her profession or age. Barbie was always impeccable and sublime. Barbie was always heterosexual and married. Barbie was always happy and successful. The life represented in the world of Barbie was, therefore, mythical and unattainable. The girls of my generation grew up believing that anything was possible and that “wanting” was enough to “be able”. Barbie succeeded; why shouldn't we succeed too? After all, we just had to learn to “control” ourselves: control our bodies, control our emotions, control our needs."

"Being on the side of women does not mean dreaming of a world in which the power relations can finally be reversed so that men suffer what women have suffered for centuries. Being on the side of women means fighting to build an egalitarian society in which being a man or a woman is “irrelevant”, has no significance. Not because being a man or a woman is the same thing, but because both men and women are human beings who share the best and worst of the human condition. The goal of women is not to dominate men, after having been dominated for centuries, but to fight to gradually move away from this logic of domination, without forgetting that, despite everything, human beings are (and will always remain) deeply ambivalent."