First Quote Added
April 10, 2026
Latest Quote Added
"The International Economic Conference in Moscow showed that a certain part of the capitalists in many countries, including the U.S.A., faced with the threat of bankruptcy as a result of switching the economy of these countries onto a war footing, seeks peace with the Soviet Union, the New China, the People's Democracies and the German Democratic Republic and the development of trade with these countries. This is also true of many capitalists on Japan. Many delegates are anticipated for the Peace Conference for Asia and Pacific Region, scheduled for September in Peking. Three representatives of Japanese capitalist circles who recently participated in the International Economic Conference, represent Japan on the Preparatory Committee of this Conference."
"The demand for a revolutionary land reform and for handing over the forests, waste land, the irrigation systems, etc. became particularly widespread in the countryside after the publication of the New Programme of the Communist Party."
"Cultural work naturally must serve the cause of the People’s Democratic revolution and only then will it benefit the masses. It is most important in cultural work not to ignore the national traditions in form and to maintain its class character in content."
"Our New Programme is, in practice, becoming the programme of the whole people."
"Despite the repressions, women, youth, intelligentsia and clergy are actively participating in this struggle. As a result, six million signatures have been collected to date for a Peace Pact of the five Great Powers. These sentiments even affect certain sections of the big capitalists for whom trade with the U.S.S.R. and the Chinese People's Republic is at present a matter of the greatest significance. As a result, representatives of these circles, too, express a desire to take part in the international economic conference to be held in Moscow."
"After the signing in San Francisco of the separate "peace treaty" with Japan and the U.S.-Japanese "security pact", which later were followed by the signing of the so-called "administrative agreement", it became clear that these treaties mean prolonged occupation of Japan by the U.S. armed forces. The enslavement of the Japanese people and the turning of Japan into a base for aggression against the Soviet Union, China, Korea, Viet Nam and other countries of the Far East."
"All this shows that the revolutionary movement in Japan has become a serious obstacle to the aggressive policy of the U.S. imperialists in the Far East and that in this respect it plays an important role. This is precisely why it meets with a wide international response."
"The situation in People's China shows that in the new conditions even capitalists can participate in the national-liberation movement. Consequently, the capitalists in our country must also change their way of thinking."
"In reply, the working class, the peasantry, students and other sections of the intelligentsia as well as the medium and small businessmen rose in resolute struggle, acting in the spirit of the New Programme of the Communist Party."
"The Communist Party of Japan calls, first of all, on the workers, peasants and intelligentsia and also on the small and medium manufacturers and other capitalists to take a most active part in the united national-liberation front and to fight resolutely under the banner of peace and democracy."
"The present rise of the revolutionary movement in Japan has become possible as a result of the 30-years' stubborn struggle, waged by the Communist Party of Japan."
"It is now absolutely indisputable that Japan has been turned into a country completely dependent on America."
"The task of artists – members of the Party – is to be real workers in art and not professional handicraftsmen. We must not forget that workers in the sphere of art can only achieve success if they express the strivings of the people."
"Now, for the first time, we have been able to clear up this basic question which, hitherto, was not properly understood by us. This enabled us to publish our New Programme with the greatest confidence."
"The main question on which the leadership of our Party lacked clarity was whether postwar Japan was an imperialist country or whether it had become a colonial, dependent country. The Party leadership held that Japan was, as before the war, a military imperialist state although its normal development had been disrupted. True, the leadership of the Party pointed out that, as a result of the American occupation, Japan found itself in a dependent position and that its liberation from the occupation regime was an important question. However, the leadership of the Party failed to give a clear definition to the character of the revolution as a revolution in a colonial, dependent country, a revolution the principles of which were explicitly elaborated by Comrade Stalin. The leadership of the Communist Party advanced the task of national liberation and felt that in these conditions the national bourgeoisie could become one of the active elements in the liberation struggle. We worked pretty hard on this question, but failed all the same to achieve complete clarity."
"Solving problems only from the standpoint of struggle on a national scale is the attribute of light-minded people lacking in practical experience. Success will not be attained if this struggle is not linked with the exposure of illegal transactions. It is necessary also to unite this struggle with that waged against the local administration and to weaken the latter, since this will help us reinforce our strength. When we achieve success we will be in a position to force the local autonomous bodies to take part in our struggle and, in this way, strengthen our struggle considerably both qualitatively and quantitatively. Further, we must devote special attention to the struggle of the unemployed since they are resolute in their demands and might become a powerful force in the fight."
"We must display extreme care with regard to the organisation of a united front with the Right elements of the Socialist Party during the elections. These elements have always betrayed agreements. In some cases this betrayal followed after they had been elected as a result of an election agreement. We always supported the candidates of the bloc, but they did not help us, but cast their votes for other candidates. In other cases they deliberately hindered our joint election fight, violated the agreement, nominated their own candidates and helped our opponents. Considering this situation it will be correct to say that their real intention is to help the Liberal Democrats and to deceive the people. Therefore, we must take a resolute stand and reject common action with them until we are convinced of their sincerity."
"As a result of the adoption of the New Programme which clearly outlined the aims of the Party, the entire Party engaged in still more active work."
"Japan is the frontier of Asia in the Pacific. In the past the country's geographical position was an important factor in the development of Japanese imperialism. Today Anglo-American monopoly capitalism regards Japan as one of the stepping stones in its drive for world domination. That is why the Japanese monopolists and their agents believe that the only way to safeguard their future is to form a close alliance with international monopoly capital."
"All this is leading to a steady sharpening of class antagonisms and internal contradictions. Opposing the handful of monopolists and their agents are broad sections of the people and even certain representatives of capitalist circles and small and medium landlords."
"We stress also that for the rehabilitation of our country, free trade and cultural relations with these countries are essential. More than that, we must put emphasis on the international solidarity of the proletariat. In order to achieve victory we must consolidate the democratic national front which unites all sections of the people."
"The struggle is no longer restricted to strikes, sabotage, demonstrations, land disputes and refusal to pay taxes. It has become a nation-wide political movement in defence of the national industry, education and culture, in defence of our national existence. This powerful offensive of the people, with the working class as the spearhead, has roused all sections of society. This anti-Government struggle is drawing into its orbit also Government officials and rank and file Democratic-Liberals and exposing the lawlessness and corruption in towns and villages. The people are becoming more and more indignant and resentful at the police and finance organs which are carrying out the Yoshida Government's anti-popular policy."
"The Communist Party is at the head of this struggle, exposing the treacherous policy of the Democratic-Liberal Party which at present holds an absolute majority in Parliament. The lower organisations of the Democratic-Liberal Party are forced to side with the people for they are afraid that otherwise they will be swept aside by the sweeping indignation of the people. As a result the big monopolists and their agents are being driven further into isolation."
"The immediate policy of our Party. To overcome the crisis in which the nation finds itself, and to ensure the actual stabilisation of the life of the people, the independence of the nation and peace throughout the world, it is necessary to secure the signing of an all-round peace treaty in which the U.S.S.R. and the Chinese People's Republic will participate."
"Charging individuals who disagree with the above-mentioned principles with kulak tendencies – is aimless abstract criticism. This criticism is aimed at undermining the unity of the peasants' front."
"It is clear that the popular revolution must combine three demands: a life of stability for the people, national independence, and world peace. These demands must be realised through international solidarity."
"Statements and actions by the instigators of war with regard to the situation in Formosa sharpen even more the antagonisms between the various countries, and also intensify the counter-offensive against monopoly capital. That is why military intervention in Formosa is impossible. As stated, the popular forces are achieving successes of historic significance, and the domination of international monopoly capital, the headquarters of which are in Wall Street, has been shaken considerably."
"The so-called "separate peace " makes the situation quite clear and completes it. At present a separate peace is being effected "'", step by step. Since a separate peace is hopeless in view of the existing international situation, they want to replace it simply by a "declaration about ending the state of war ". This means that Japan will actually be turned into a colony of a certain power. At present this is becoming an indisputable and concrete fact. Consequently, a separate peace treaty does not mean a peaceful settlement. It merely confirms the fact of the loss of the independence of the nation, and its enslavement."
"The struggle of the mass of the people for liberation from the colonial yoke and foreign independence is gaining momentum in the Far East. The leadership of this struggle has passed from the bourgeois nationalists to the Parties which are guided by the teachings of Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin. The struggle for democracy in Japan is one of the fronts of the world democratic movement."
"We live in an exciting and turbulent time. In a time that is filled with many openly present threats and insidious dangers. Many contemporaries were, and some still are, possessed by the nightmare of all kinds of hazards preying upon us along all our roads towards democracy and national sovereignty. Instead of tragic faintheartedness and passive feeling of impasse, I have personally always been more inclined to discovery and noticing those big chances that hid in that dramatic time and in the breaking point of a historical period. The history has already given us the answer, which says that we were in the right when we did not want to reconcile with the prospect of continuing as an object of foreign politics and when we consciously took the risk in becoming the recognized subject and creator of our own destiny."
"The creation of our independent State was the outcome of the indestructible moral strength of the Croatian people, based on a firm national awareness that has burned for centuries as an eternal fire in our hearts. A nation may have existed from time immemorial, but if it lacks the moral strength and an awareness of its unique individual being, of its nationhood and statehood, it will disappear from the stage of world history. The Croatian people yearned for their State and rallied to achieve it."
"Unlike Milosevic, who was guided by the desire for power, Tuđman was possessed by Croatian nationalism. His devotion to Croatia was of the most primitive type, and he never showed understanding or interest in democratic values."
"The fall of Soviet and other European Communist and totalitarian systems has reinforced hope and provided the prerequisites for the comprehensive democratization of the world while simultaneously raising the question of what kind of multilateralism is required and possible in the contemporary world."
"It is not only others who are to blame for all our evils. Nor will in any circumstances only others shape our destiny. And for the present situation we all bear part of the responsibility in our own way. And especially for the future: our personal, our vocation and our people."
"Between healthy nationalism and chauvinism, he chose chauvinism; between free-market economy and clientelism, he chose the latter. Instead of the cult of freedom, he chose the cult of the state. Between modernity and openness to the world, he chose traditionalism; a fatal choice for a small state like Croatia that needs to open for the sake of development."
"It is easy to challenge such views of the past but not to shake the faith of those who wish to believe in them. In the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1980s and 1990s, the old historical myths came to the forefront again. Yet again, the Serbs were fighting on alone in a hostile world. In 1986, a memorandum from the Serbian Academy of Sciences warned that all the gains the Serbs had made since they first rebelled against the Ottomans in 1804 were going to be lost. Croats were terrorizing the Serbs in Croatia, and Albanians were forcing Serbs to flee the province of Kosovo. In 1989, Slobodan Milošević went to Kosovo on the six-hundredth anniversary of the battle and declared, “The Kosovo heroism does not allow us to forget that, at one time, we were brave and dignified and one of the few who went into battle undefeated.” At the same time, in Croatia, nationalists were looking back into their past to argue that a greater Croatia, incorporating hundreds of thousands of Serbs, was historically necessary. History did not destroy Yugoslavia or lead to the horrors that accompanied that destruction, but its skillful manipulation by men such as Milošević and, in Croatia, Franjo Tudjman, helped to mobilize their followers and intimidate the uncommitted."
"You can take my freedom, even my life, but not my thought, not my truth, not my contribution to the history of the people to which I belong."
"In this difficult moment and at a historical turning point, I call on you, brothers and sisters, to fulfill your sacred duty in defending the homeland. Let us be united in the fight for the freedom of our Croatian country, our sea and sky over our only and eternal Croatia."
"Tuđman is a nationalist leader who made some very bad mistakes early in his presidency toward Croatia's Serbian minority. He also advocated a partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina between Serbia and Croatia. He has given at least passive support to Croatian military forces in Bosnia. That said, he is a man who has learned from his mistakes."
"In carrying out our duties we need to always keep in mind the fact that in almost fourteen centuries of written history about Croats there has never been in any other institution of Croatian national life such outstanding declaration for survival, independence and self-determination as in the continued perpetuity and performance of the Croatian parliament."
"Despite the inalienable right of the Croatian people -one of the oldest European peoples - to self-determination and to the renewal of their own State, despite the blatant barbaric aggression aimed at territorial conquest, the genocidal expulsion of the population and the destruction of the most precious cultural heritage of the Croatian people, such as Vukovar and Dubrovnik, the Croats would never have won the right to self-determination, to their State, to freedom and independence, had they not been prepared to make human and material sacrifices, had they not shown a firm nation-building will, with which they have resolutely asserted themselves as a member of the international community, while manifesting their readiness to be a constructive force in the development of the new international order to replace the unviable and failed old system."
"But today it is Croatian Knin and never again it will go back to what was before, when they spread cancer which has been destroying Croatian national being in the middle of Croatia and didn’t allow Croatian people to be truly alone on it’s [sic] own, that Croatia becomes capable of being independent and sovereign state...They were gone in a few days as if they had never been here, as I said. They did not even have time to collect their rotten money and dirty underwear."
"The scale of the movement was impressive, with over 120 committees established nationwide. The Antifa claimed 150,000 adherents. Many of these organisations broke through entrenched social barriers to include foreign slave labourers and establish working class unity across political parties and trade unions. Their functions ranged from creating local democracy, to restoring basic services like food supply. [...] The fact that so many committees adopted similar names and policies poses the question of whether there was a centralised organisation at work. Communists were prominent in nearly every Antifa despite the opposition of Moscow. Walter Ulbricht, the KPD leader, criticised the 'spontaneous creation of KPD bureaus, people's committees, and Free Germany committees', but he could do little as the KPD central apparatus had no communication link with the rank and file. Once communications were restored he could report: 'We have shut these [Antifas] down and told the comrades that all activities must be channelled through the state apparatus.' The Western Allies were equally disconcerted by the Antifas self-proclaimed 'ruthless struggle against all remnants of Hitler's party in the state apparatus, the local authorities and public life'. The US authorities expelled the committee from its offices, ordered the removal of all leaflets and posters from the streets, and then banned it. Any further use of the name 'Free Germany National Committee' would be punished severely. The military government stopped 's workplace councils purging Nazi activists and then abolished them. 's Nazis had been arrested by the Antifa, but were liberated by Allied command. When Antifa housed people made homeless by bombing in apartments abandoned by fleeing Nazis, the authorities evicted them."
"The ruling formation in India, however, is totally oblivious of the world conjuncture. The dead-end of neo-liberalism, which is visible to even bourgeois thinkers in the metropolis, is invisible to our ' brigade. Not only is the Modi government still wedded to the neo-liberal agenda in general, but it has not even deviated from this agenda in the midst of the acute humanitarian crisis unleashed by the pandemic and its own mindless response to it."
"Far from the pay cheques of employees coming out of the budget, the government has robbed s of workers, including 14 crore migrant workers (of whom around 10 crore are inter-state migrants), of their incomes, jobs and accommodations, without giving a paisa by way of compensation. This is partly no doubt the result of the utter inhumanity of the Modi government; but partly also it expresses its utter pusillanimity vis-à-vis finance capital, which it seeks to sustain through negating and and promoting a communal agenda that aims to divide people. But following the same track as was being followed in the "last four decades" and not recognising the dead-end of neo-liberalism, also means remaining stuck in that dead-end, which in turn would mean even greater recourse to authoritarian-fascistic measures and even more odious attempts to promote a communal divide. The working people will have to struggle against this entire endeavour and to show the way out of the dead-end of neo-liberalism."
"It is real-life class struggle, informed no doubt by ideas, that ultimately determines which way the world will move. Hence even for altering contemporary capitalism in the direction of the so-called “welfare capitalism” of yore, it would be essential to have the working class fighting for such an agenda. But when it does so, and when international finance capital resists such an agenda, we would be in the thick of class struggle. Time alone will tell whether this struggle would remain merely at the level of achieving a revival of “welfare capitalism” or whether it would go beyond capitalism altogether towards a socialist alternative. Once class struggle, for changing the system in its present form, acquires momentum, its outcome would depend on praxis and may not necessarily remain bounded within the system itself."
"The Hindutva movement as it has emerged is, almost in a classical sense, Fascist in its ideology, Fascist in its class support, Fascist in its method, and Fascist in its program. All the ingredients of a Fascist ideology are present in it: the attempt to unify the majority under a homogenized concept, 'the Hindus'; a sense of grievance against alleged injustices done to this homogeneous group in the past by an excluded homogeneous minority; a sense of cultural superiority vis-à-vis this minority; a reinterpretation of history exclusively in these terms; a total rejection of contrary evidence, of dispassionate analysis, of the scientific method, indeed of rational discourse; and above all an appeal to the so-called homogeneous majority in passionate, blood-curdling, and essentially male chauvinist terms to 'stand up', 'assert their manhood', 'show that it is blood and not water that flows in their veins', all of which amount to an incitement violence, and result in actual violence, against the minority group. … Its appeal is based not on the dreams of a better or more prosperous or meaningful future, but upon hatred."
"The abrogation of labour laws in -ruled states (which could not have been done without Modi’s approval) is meant to make the more insecure rather than less. Some officers were punished recently for even suggesting that higher taxes should be collected from the rich. In short, the Modi government in its mindlessness is still picking up the intellectual crumbs that had fallen from the of the metropolitan establishment “four decades” ago, without realising that the world has moved on."
"Just as in the 1930s, world capitalism, as it had existed until then, had reached a dead-end, and the need for it to be altered for the sake of preserving the system itself, was emphasised by many perceptive bourgeois thinkers, exactly in a similar manner contemporary world capitalism too has reached a dead-end and cannot continue as before. [...] Any change in capitalism, however, including a revival of the so-called "" of the period, will entail a loosening of the hegemony of international and hence will face stiff opposition from it. The fact that the need for such change is clear to bourgeois thinkers, does not mean that finance capital will simply voluntarily make a sacrifice of the hegemony it currently enjoys. Indeed the history of the 1930s itself bears witness to this fact. [...] Boosting for overcoming mass unemployment finally got accepted as government policy only after the war when the weight of the working class in the advanced countries became much greater than before (of which the victory of the Labour Party in the British post-war elections and the vastly increased strength of the and Italy were obvious markers), and when the came right up to the very doorsteps of creating fears of a “communist takeover”. This conjuncture finally forced concessions from finance capital that had been unobtainable till then. Finance capital, in other words, does not voluntarily make concessions even when such concessions are seen by major pro-capitalist thinkers as being essential for the preservation of the system itself."
"None of those who witnessed Dalton’s death have been willing to talk in public about what happened. His son Juan José, now a journalist, says that former members of the ERP... told his family in Cuba in 1978 that it was Villalobos who killed Dalton... the life Villalobos leads today resembles the one promised to Dalton by the CIA in 1964, ‘a life with all the possibilities’"
Heute, am 12. Tag schlagen wir unser Lager in einem sehr merkwürdig geformten Höhleneingang auf. Wir sind von den Strapazen der letzten Tage sehr erschöpft, das Abenteuer an dem großen Wasserfall steckt uns noch allen in den Knochen. Wir bereiten uns daher nur ein kurzes Abendmahl und ziehen uns in unsere Kalebassen-Zelte zurück. Dr. Zwitlako kann es allerdings nicht lassen, noch einige Vermessungen vorzunehmen. 2. Aug.
- Das Tagebuch
Es gab sie, mein Lieber, es gab sie! Dieses Tagebuch beweist es. Es berichtet von rätselhaften Entdeckungen, die unsere Ahnen vor langer, langer Zeit während einer Expedition gemacht haben. Leider fehlt der größte Teil des Buches, uns sind nur 5 Seiten geblieben.
Also gibt es sie doch, die sagenumwobenen Riesen?
Weil ich so nen Rosenkohl nicht dulde!
- Zwei außer Rand und Band
Und ich bin sauer!