Academics From India

"uttiṣṭhottiṣṭha bho rāma uttiṣṭha rāghava prabho । uttiṣṭha jānakīnātha sarvalokaṃ sukhīkuru ॥"

"kausalyāsuprajā rāma pūrvā saṃdhyā pravartate । uttiṣṭha naraśārdūla karttavyaṃ daivamāhnikam ॥"

"śaśāṅke kutaḥ śyāmatā jātā । pṛcchati jananīmatikutūhalādbālastribhuvanatrātā ॥ kṛṣṇamṛgastava śarabhayādvidhuṃ yāto naitanmātaḥ । kapaṭamṛgaṃ praṇihanmi nāparaṃ tasya vimohakhyātaḥ ॥ daśamukhabhayādbhuvo yātā yā vidhuṃ śyāmatā dṛṣṭā । kathaṃ rāhubhītoऽsau pāyānmahī mūḍhatāspṛṣṭā ॥ tvamatha vīkṣya candramasaṃ nijadayitānanarūpasamānam । śaśini gato śyāmaḥ kila dṛṣṭaḥ kartuṃ tadadharapānam ॥ nahi mātaḥ pīye tava stanaṃ śrutvā manujendrāṇī । sasmitamukhī vismitā jātā cakitā giridharavāṇī ॥"

"lolālālīlalālola līlālālālalālala । lelelela lalālīla lāla lolīla lālala ॥"

"kākakāka kakākāka kukākāka kakāka ka । kukakākāka kākāka kaukākāka kukākaka ॥"

"kaḥ kau ke kekakekākaḥ kākakākākakaḥ kakaḥ । kākaḥ kākaḥ kakaḥ kākaḥ kukākaḥ kākakaḥ kukaḥ ॥"

"aśaraṇaśaraṇa praṇatabhayadaraṇa dharaṇibharaharaṇa dharaṇitanayāvaraṇa janasukhakaraṇa taraṇikulabharaṇa kamalamṛducaraṇa dvijāṅganāsamuddharaṇa । tribhuvanabharaṇa danujakulamaraṇa niśitaśaraśaraṇa dalitadaśamukharaṇa bhṛgubhavacātakanavīnajaladhara rāma vihara manasi saha sītayā janābharaṇa ॥"

"madanamathana sukhasadana vidhuvadana- gaditavimalavaraviruda kalikadana । śamadamaniyamamahita munijanadhana lasasi vibudhamaṇiriva hariparijana ॥"

"trijagadavana hataharijananidhuvana nijavanarucijitaśataśatavidhuvana । taruvaravibhavavinatasuravaravana jayati viratighana iva raghuvaravana ॥"

"lalāmamādhuryasudhābhirāmakaṃ lalāmamādhuryasudhābhirāmakam । lalāmamādhuryasudhābhirāmakaṃ lalāmamādhuryasudhābhirāmakam ॥"

"dhanuḥsrugabhimedure bhṛgupakopavaiśvānare raṇāṅgaṇasucatvare subhaṭarāvavedasvare । śarāhutimanohare nṛpatikāṣṭhasañjāgare sahasrabhujamadhvare paśumivājuhodbhārgavaḥ ॥"

"vīkṣya tāṃ vīkṣaṇīyāmbujāsyaśriyaṃ svaśriyaṃ śrīśriyaṃ brahmavidyāśriyam । dhīdhiyaṃ hrīhriyaṃ bhūbhuvaṃ bhūbhuvaṃ rāghavaḥ prāha sallakṣaṇaṃ lakṣmaṇam ॥"

"sa brahmacārī nijadharmacārī svakarmacārī ca na cābhicārī । cārī satāṃ cetasi nāticārī sa cāpacārī sa na cāpacārī ॥"

"rāmaprāṇapriye rāme rame rājīvalocane । rāhi rājñi ratiṃ ramyāṃ rāme rājani rāghave ॥"

"Masi kāgada chūyo nahīṃ kalama gahī nahiṃ hātha । bhṛṃgadūta mahaँ saba kahyo eka jānakīnātha ॥"

"Paṭhyatāṃ bhṛṅgadūtaṃ ca bhṛṅgadūtaṃ pragīyatām । cintyatāṃ bhṛṅgadūtaṃ ca rāmabhaktairdivāniśam ॥"

"mere giridhārī jī se kāhe larī । tuma taruṇī mero giridhara bālaka kāhe bhujā pakarī ॥ susuki susuki mero giridhara rovata tū musukāta kharī ॥ tū ahirina atisaya jhagarāū barabasa āya kharī ॥ giridhara kara gahi kahata jasodā āʼncara oṭa karī ॥"

"mahāghoraśokāgninātapyamānaṃ patantaṃ nirāsārasaṃsārasindhau । anāthaṃ jaḍaṃ mohapāśena baddhaṃ prabho pāhi māṃ sevakakleśaharttaḥ ॥"

"kiṃ dṛṣṭavyaṃ patitajagati vyāptadoṣe'pyasatye māyācārāvratatanubhṛtāṃ pāparājadvicāre । dṛṣṭavyo'sau cikuranikuraiḥ pūrṇavaktrāravindaḥ pūrṇānando dhṛtaśiśutanuḥ rāmacandro mukundaḥ ॥"

"Your "conscious life" is an elaborate after-the-fact rationalization of things you really do for other reasons."

"Here is this mass of jelly - three pound mass of jelly - that you can hold in the palm of your hand, and it can contemplate the vastness of interstellar space, it can contemplate the meaning of infinity, and it can contemplate itself contemplating the meaning of infinity."

"Whether a country is to be called 'civilised' or not, depends not on how affluent the upper 10 per cent are, but how well they treat the lower 10 per cent."

"Any ape can reach for a banana, but only a human can reach for the stars or even know what that means."

"Science tells us we are merely beasts, but we don't feel like that. We feel like angels trapped inside the bodies of beasts, forever craving transcendence."

"What neurology tells us is that the self consists of many components, and the notion of one unitary self may well be an illusion."

"We investigated the working of a number of elementary schools from three districts of West Bengal… The problem is, in some ways, compounded by the fact that school teachers are now comparatively well paid – no longer the recipients of miserably exploitative wages... The salary of teachers in regular schools has gone up dramatically over recent years. This is an obvious cause for celebration at one level (indeed, I remember being personally involved, as a student at Presidency College fifty years ago, in agitations to raise the desperately low prevailing salaries of school teachers). But the situation is now very different. The big salary increases in recent years have not only made school education vastly more expensive (making it much harder to offer regular school education to those who are still excluded from it), but have also tended to draw school teachers as a group further away from the families of children, especially those from disadvantaged backgrounds. There is considerable evidence that the class barrier that deeply impairs the delivery of school education to the worst-off members of society is now further reinforced by the increase in economic and between the teachers and the poorer (and less privileged) children"

"Amartya Sen converted Nalanda into a club that promotes a certain variant of a modern political agenda in the service of a political party."

"For Sen is an example of the Indian who becomes famous in the Great World and who wants to make sure that he can never be accused of what in India is called “communalism,” but which really means all those Hindus who are aware of their being Hindus, and aware too of what Islam did to India’s civilization of Hinduism, a way of life and thought rather than a religion as we understand it in the West."

"Amartya Sen is not Indian. He had lost his Indian-ness after he left his Bengali ex-wife and married two foreign females. He has lived abroad and only visits the country for a couple of months, which cannot make you Indian."

"While most of the loot from the financial bleeding accrued to British company officials in Bengal, there was widespread participation by the political and business leadership in Britain: nearly a quarter of the MPs in London owned stocks in the East India Company after Plassey. (pg. 165)"

"Those who wish to be inspired by the glory of the British Empire would do well to avoid reading Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations ... (pg. 164)"

"What has been called 'the financial bleeding of Bengal' began very soon after Plassey. (pg. 164)"

"profits made by the East India Company [...] in Bengal, financed [...] wars that the British waged across India in the period of their colonial expansion. (pg. 164)"

"The continuous cries for help - from children and women and men - ring in my ears, even today seventy-seven years later. (pg. 115)"

"I saw the first signs of famine in April 1943 - the so called "Great Bengal Famine" which would kill between 2 to 3 million people. Food prices had started rising quite sharply during 1942, the year before the famine. (pg. 114)"

"The case for combating debilitating inequality in India is not only a matter of social justice. Unlike India, China did not miss the huge lesson of Asian economic development, about the economic returns that come from bettering human lives, especially at the bottom of the socioeconomic pyramid. India’s growth and its earnings from exports have tended to depend narrowly on a few sectors, like information technology, pharmaceuticals and specialized auto parts, many of which rely on the role of highly trained personnel from the well-educated classes. For India to match China in its range of manufacturing capacity — its ability to produce gadgets of almost every kind, with increasing use of technology and better quality control — it needs a better-educated and healthier labor force at all levels of society. What it needs most is more knowledge and public discussion about the nature and the huge extent of inequality and its damaging consequences, including for economic growth."

"Smith had no illusion that this would be easy to do, nor did he suffer from the delusion that such an exercise would, in any sense, be perfect. But he did have the conviction that the exercise could still be very useful, and the best should not be made into an enemy of the good."

"Smith distinguishes with great sophistication the different kinds of reasons people have in taking an interest in the lives of others, separating out sympathy, generosity, public spirit and other motivations. Even though he acknowledged the role of mental attitudes and predispositions, he went on to discuss how reasoning, which is at the heart of rationality, must have a big role in preventing us from being – consciously or unconsciously – too self-centred, or thoughtlessly uncaring."

"The approach presented in my book The Idea of Justice shares the general Enlightenment interest in relying on reasoning in general and public reasoning in particular, and in this respect there is something very substantially in common between the two alternative disciplines of reasoning that emerged from the intellectual climate of the Enlightenment period, that is, between the Hobbesian and Kantian reasoning (with its successors today, such as the Rawlsian social contract approach) and the reasoning of Smith and Condorcet (with its successors today, such as normative social choice theory)."

"Central to the Smithian approach is our willingness to see critically what we observe around us. The sense of comfort that is often associated with being content with the world as it is can seriously hamper the pursuit of justice. This understanding goes strongly against a line of thought that was powerfully presented by Friedrich Nietzshe. ‘The Christian resolve to find the world ugly and bad has made the world ugly and bad’, said Nietzshe. I think I can, with some effort, understand what Nietzsche meant, but it is hard for me, even with a lot of effort, to see that Nietzshe’s hypothesis helps us to understand the causation or resilience of the nastiness of the world in which we live. Nor, I must insist (this I do as a thoroughly unreligious person), does it offer any obvious insight into the lives and achievements of Martin Luther King, or Mother Theresa, or Desmond Tutu, who have tried to reduce injustice in the world and have done so with non-negligible success."

"That austerity is a counterproductive economic policy in a situation of economic recession can be seen, rightly, as a “Keynesian critique.” Keynes did argue—and persuasively—that to cut public expenditure when an economy has unused productive capacity as well as unemployment owing to a deficiency of effective demand would tend to have the effect of slowing down the economy further and increasing—rather than decreasing—unemployment. Keynes certainly deserves much credit for making that rather basic point clear even to policymakers, irrespective of their politics, and he also provided what I would call a sketch of a theory of explaining how all this can be nicely captured within a general understanding of economic interdependences between different activities... I am certainly supportive of this Keynesian argument, and also of Paul Krugman’s efforts in cogently developing and propagating this important perspective, and in questioning the policy of massive austerity in Europe. But I would also argue that the unsuitability of the policy of austerity is only partly due to Keynesian reasons. Where we have to go well beyond Keynes is in asking what public expenditure is for—other than for just strengthening effective demand, no matter what its content. As it happens, European resistance to savage cuts in public services and to indiscriminate austerity is not based only, or primarily, on Keynesian reasoning. The resistance is based also on a constructive point about the importance of public services—a perspective that is of great economic as well as political interest in Europe."

"Ambedkar is my Father in Economics. He is true celebrated champion of the underprivileged. He deserves more than what he has achieved today. However he was highly controversial figure in his home country, though it was not the reality. His contribution in the field of economics is marvelous and will be remembered forever..!"

"The global reach of Smith's moral and political reasoning is quite a distinctive feature of his thought, but it is strongly supplemented by his belief that all human beings are born with similar potential and, most importantly for policymaking, that the inequalities in the world reflect socially generated, rather than natural, disparities. There is a vision here that has a remarkably current ring. The continuing global relevance of Smith's ideas is quite astonishing, and it is a tribute to the power of his mind that this global vision is so forcefully presented by someone who, a quarter of a millennium ago, lived most of his life in considerable seclusion in a tiny coastal Scottish town. Smith's analyses and explorations are of critical importance for any society in the world in which issues of morals, politics and economics receive attention. The Theory of Moral Sentiments is a global manifesto of profound significance to the interdependent world in which we live."

"When Hobbes referred to the dire state of human beings in having ‘nasty, brutish and short’ lives, he also pointed, in the same sentence, to the disturbing adversity of being ‘solitary’. Escape from isolation may not only be important for the quality of human life, it can also contribute powerfully to understanding and responding to the other deprivations from which human beings suffer. There is surely a basic strength here which is complementary to the engagement in which theories of justice are involved."

"When we try to determine how justice can be advanced, there is a basic need for public reasoning, involving arguments coming from different quarters and divergent perspectives. An engagement with contrary arguments does not, however, imply that we must expect to be able to settle the conflicting reasons in all cases and arrive at agreed position on all issues. Complete resolution is neither a requirement of a person’s own rationality, nor is it a condition of reasonable social choice, including a reason-based theory of justice."

"The force of a claim for a human right would indeed be seriously undermined if it were possible to show that it is unlikely to survive open public scrutiny. However, contrary to a commonly offered reason for scepticism and rejection of the idea of human rights, the case for it cannot be discarded simply by pointing to the fact – a much-invoked fact – that in repressive regimes across the globe, which do not allow open public discussion, or do not permit free access to information about the world outside the country, many of these human rights do not acquire serious public standing."

"Rather, it is the firmly ‘open’ outlook, which Smith’s ‘impartial spec tator’ invokes, that may be in some need of reassertion today. It can make a substantial difference to our understanding of the demands of impartiality in moral and political philosophy in the interconnected world in which we live."

"To ask how things are going and whether they can be improved is a constant and inescapable part of the pursuit of justice."

"Rawls’s analysis of fairness, justice, institutions and behaviour has illuminated our understanding of justice very profoundly and has played – and is still playing – a hugely constructive part in the development of the theory of justice. But we cannot make the Rawlsian mode of thinking on justice into an intellectual ‘stand-still’. We have to benefit from the richness of the ideas we have got from Rawls – and then move on, rather than taking a ‘vacation’. We do need ‘justitia’, not ‘justitium’."

"No less importantly, intellectual probing is needed to identify deeds that are not intended to be injurious, but which have that effect..."