anti-fascists

"Largely because of the influence of communists in London, Huddar's conversion into an enthusiastic supporter of the fight against fascism was quick and smooth. The ease with which he crossed from one worldview to another betrays the fact that he had not properly understood the world he had grown in."

"By the time he came out of Franco's prison, Huddar had relinquished many of his old ideas. He displayed a worldview completely different from that of the RSS, even though he continued to remain deferential to Hedgewar and maintained a personal relationship with him."

"Huddar would have been 101 now had he been alive. But then centenaries are not celebrated only to register how old so and so would have been and when. They are usually celebrated to explore how much poorer our lives are without them. Maharashtrian public life is poorer without him. It is poorer for not having made the effort to recall an extraordinary life."

"Young though he was, his radiant energy produced such an impression of absolute reliability that Hedgewar made him the first sarkaryavah, or general secretary, of the RSS."

"I regret I was not there to listen to Balaji Huddar's speech [...] No matter how many times you listen to him, his speeches are so delightful that you feel like listening to them again and again."

"I brought it to his [Hedgewar's] notice that the RSS remained a static organisation and that it did not develop into a dynamic movement, while we know that it was the dynamism of a movement alone that made an organisation powerful—otherwise it degenerated into a samsthan [...] The RSS had to guard against this danger which helped the growth of complacency and self-righteousness. My words fell on deaf ears and all my efforts to woo the Sarsanghchalak came to a naught."

"This great anti-Fascist body of men have assured me that they will fight side by side with the Indian peoples."

"The honour you have done me is really the honour to the cause of democracy and freedom which Spanish workers and peasants are defending with their lives. [...] The fight for democracy is in India just as it is in Spain. The very same British Imperialism which helps Franco and Mussolini in their attempt to destroy Spain is holding us down. We have to fight against it. We have to build the unity of the workers, peasants and the middle classes just as the Spanish people have done."

"One evening, he [Bose] called me to his place in Bombay [...] One Mr. Shah, with whom I was not acquainted, was with him. Netaji asked me if I would be his emissary to Dr. Hedgewar, with whom he would like to have a talk. He asked me to go to Nasik where Dr. Hedgewar was spending the summer with Babasaheb Ghatate [...] Mr. Shah was to accompany me [...] In Nasik, Babasaheb greeted me warmly and enquired about our mission. I told him that we had come to see Doctorsaheb. Mr. Shah waited outside and I was ushered into the room where Doctorsaheb was joking and laughing with some youngsters—all volunteers of the RSS [...] Doctorsaheb protested that he had been in Nasik as he was ill and was suffering from some unknown malady [...] I entreated him not to give up this chace of an interview with a great leader of the Congress and the nationalist force in India, but he would not pay heed to me. He protested all through that he was too ill to have a talk [...] As I left the room, the RSS volunteers entered and laughter broke out again."

"(About the exploratory task of forming a government entrusted to her by Francesco Cossiga) Perhaps to say that it is a historic event is to say too much. But certainly, it is a development of no small importance. :*‘’“I light a candle, so that it won't be me”‘’, ‘'La Stampa’', March 28, 1987."

"(About Clean Hands) What frightens and worries me is the slowness of the judicial proceedings in the face of a perverse intertwining of politics and business that has increasingly taken on the configuration of a vast, widespread, ramified system."

"(About the Bicameral Committee for Constitutional Reforms) The conditions are in place for positive work. We must all carry it out with the best interests of our country in mind. We will and must be judged on this work."

"(About Palmiro Togliatti) They spoke of his ties to Stalin and his awe, even in difficult times. In reality, he knew him little: they had met on three or four occasions. He admired him as a tough and tenacious fighter, but he understood the revelations of the 20th Congress and was shocked by them. [...] He had a keen sensitivity, a strong propensity to understand. I know that the image of him is different, but I knew him in another way. He defended himself against facts that deeply disturbed him, but his intelligence forced him to accept them as moments in the journey of civilization."

"Since women have been recognized as fully equal in the political sphere, with the right to vote and stand for election, it follows that women themselves must be emancipated from conditions of backwardness and inferiority in all areas of social life, and restored to a legal position that does not undermine their personality and dignity as women and citizens."

"(Aboout the Togliatti amnesty of 1946) The amnesty helped break the continuity with a regime that constantly preached revenge."

"(About the the of the 1990 high school graduation exam) I would have proposed a different topic. I would have set the Italian exam paper on: “What are the elements that—historically, culturally, and institutionally—define the unity of a country, in a world that, on the one hand, increasingly values particular realities (from an ethnic, traditional, or cultural point of view) and, on the other, broader supranational dimensions?”"

"Interviewer: In recent months, you have become even more popular because you are the author of a proposal to drastically reduce—if not halve—the number of deputies and senators. Why? Nilde Iotti: In 1948, when the Constitution of the Italian Republic came into force, we were emerging from fascism and there was a need to reestablish a relationship, a democratic fabric with society. But now there are: Regional Councils, which were elected in 1970, Provincial Councils, Municipal Councils. We are faced with a much more complex society, a more complex democracy. So, I believe that the number of parliamentarians is really too high."

"(Abot attack to Palmiro Togliatti) When, a few days after his surgery, he was allowed to read the newspapers, Togliatti wanted to read the reports of the attack. He was struck by a nine-column headline in L'Unità: “Away with the government of civil war.” I remember his comment: if they had written “Away with the Minister of the Interior,” that would have been a request that was not only plausible but also acceptable! And in fact, it later emerged that in the Council of Ministers, which met urgently on the same day as the attack, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Carlo Sforza, and his undersecretary, a very young Aldo Moro, had raised the issue of the Minister of the Interior's resignation."

"We loved the mountains. Togliatti was a keen walker, as was I."

"(About the request for a new Constituent Assembly during Tangentopoli) A constituent assembly is convened when there is such a rupture within the country, as happened after the war and after the fall of fascism, and this was indispensable. Even in the presence of very serious events, of a dangerous degeneration of the political system, we are not in a post-war situation, and resorting to a constituent assembly seems to me to be truly excessive."

"(About the attack to Palmiro Togliatti) It is impossible to understand that dramatic event without recalling the heated climate that followed the Christian Democrats' resounding election victory on April 18, 1948. That climate was very important, it was decisive. No one could have imagined that the election campaign led by the Church of Pius XII and the civic committees of Luigi Gedda could reach such a degree of violence. A violence that did not abate on the part of the victors even after their overwhelming success. That atmosphere, I repeat, was undoubtedly at the root of the attack to Togliatti. :*‘’Four gunshots to kill the Best‘’, ‘'la Repubblica’', July 14, 1998."

"In the democratic system established by the Constitution, the Parliament, and only the Parliament, is the expression of the will of the people. Our Constitution does not allow the country to be without a Parliament endowed with its powers for even a single day."

"I believe the time is ripe for a woman as President of the Italian Republic. This is also thanks to the long journey women have made over the past 50 years in the fight for rights and complete equality. :*‘’Bonino: “Yes to the challenge for the Quirinale”‘’, ‘'La Stampa’', March 7, 1999."

"(About his last trip to Russia) Togliatti was concerned about relations between the USSR and China, and about the situation between the party and intellectuals that had arisen after Khrushchev had taken a very rigid and harsh stance."

"(About Togliatti's failure to participate in the Resistance movement) I assure you that Togliatti was not far from the Resistance. He was a cold man, yes. But he hated badges, and the only one he always wanted to show off was the one given to him by the Volunteer Corps of Freedom. If he could have, he would have parachuted into northern Italy. Cold, yes, but he had utopia inside him."

"Talking about amnesty in the case of the Years of Lead would be out of place. Let's not forget that the armed struggle was waged against a democratic state, not against a fascist regime."

"(About her relationship with Palmiro Togliatti) To think that I could have made an emotional ultimatum such as “if you stay in Russia, I'll leave you” is to ignore the nature of our relationship and Togliatti's temperament. :*‘’A story of love and politics‘’, ‘'La Stampa’', March 28, 1987."

"(About nuclear armaments) The atomic race has reached a dangerous and intolerable limit, as ordinary citizens in every country understand. The time has come for their leaders to understand this too. :*From a speech to Michelin workers; quoted in ‘’A message of peace and hope from Nilde Iotti visiting the “Granda”‘’, ‘'La Stampa’', March 18, 1985."

"(About the defeat of the Popular Democratic Front in the 1948 elections) On April 18, we found ourselves faced with a population called upon for the first time, unlike in 1946, to choose the parties that would govern after the breakup of the anti-fascist unity. It was a society we knew very little about."

"(About the comparison between Palmiro Togliatti and Massimo D'Alema) D'Alema has great political intelligence, but he has less experience, which leads him to be more impetuous and less attentive to repercussions."

"From an interview with ‘'l'Unità’'; quoted in ‘’[http://www.archiviolastampa.it/component/option,com_lastampa/task,search/mod,libera/action,viewer/Itemid,3/page,9/articleid,1326_02_1988_0094_0030_19271116/ Nilde Iotti recalls April 18, 1948. “At that time, the Italian Communist Party did not understand society,” La Stampa, April 16, 1988."

"The presence of women in Parliament has elevated women's issues as an integral part of Italian political life. In the past, these issues were kept on the sidelines."

"(About Massimo D'Alema secretary of the Democratic Party of the Left) At a time like this, we need a party leader with many skills."

"The Constitution does not and cannot have either an ideology or a partisan philosophy."

"The Resistance was an extraordinary event. It achieved a truly exceptional unity that ranged from Badoglio's officers to communist workers."

"(Referring to the Northern League) The leagues stir up old ideas of separation and selfishness that call national unity into question."

"We ask that children born outside of marriage be recognized in all respects, both during marriage and when that marriage has broken down, because we believe that this is the only possible solution, the only morally just solution. [...] Children do not ask to be born, and the responsibility for their birth does not lie with them, but with the parents who brought them into the world. Therefore, the responsibility of the parents cannot fall on them."

"I shouldn't speak, given that I was president of the Chamber of Deputies, but de Mita's main flaw is that he wants to respond to everyone who speaks, one by one. He never waits for the discussion on a point to be exhausted. :*‘’Iotti: “De Mita does not know how to be president”, La Stampa, November 19, 1992."

"(About women's commitments beyond work) When I started my political career, I had a home and had to think about that too, in addition to the thousand commitments that political life entails. :*‘’Parliament celebrates Nilde Iotti's 70th birthday‘’, ‘'La Stampa’', April 10, 1990."

"(About Togliatti's memorial) It is not true that Togliatti was exploited, that the memorial was used against Khrushchev. I do not see a connection between the memorial and the fall of Khrushchev. The great process that would lead to this event was already underway in the USSR."

"What we need is a politics of fun and joy. We're not interested in meetings where everyone's got a point of order and they talk for twenty minutes each. Do you think the sixteen year-olds who are soon to get the vote will want to sit through that? The new project should engage that generation by embedding itself in mass culture."

"Billionaires already have three parties fighting for them. It's time the rest of us had one."

"We're not here to beg for crumbs off the table, we're taking the fucking lot."

"I had never previously thought of myself as privileged, but I realised that because of the sheer accident of where I was born and what passport I held, I was treated differently by the Israeli authorities. I watched as they harassed and abused Palestinians and then related to me as a regular human being."

"Between 2015 and 2019 I had friends and colleagues who worked at the top of the Labour Party, and they can tell you that in parts it was a highly dysfunctional working environment with toxicity and bullying – not from Jeremy, but from some people around him. Power was too centralised. This is not what we need for this emerging project. … Everyone has to feel that they’re involved and the organisation has to be representative of wider society. That also means we can’t soft-pedal our anti-racism. Some people want us to focus solely on the 'economic issues'. But if the politics of class is detached from the politics of race then it is bound to fail – because when our neighbours are being simultaneously targeted for eviction and deportation, that struggle is one and the same."

"What are our long-term goals? More time with our loved ones, more green space, universal childcare, free public transport, not worrying about bills. These are things that Farage and Starmer don't talk about."

"The biggest threats we all face today aren't military invasions. It's the rise of the far right, it is global pandemics, it is climate catastrophe and economic crises. And NATO cannot solve any of these."

"I'll continue to use the platform [i.e. TikTok] because I think it's really effective in reaching out to newer audiences, younger audiences and getting out political messages."

"The only way we can actually change things is to have a Labour government that is bold and ambitious. … I think it's really important to take inspiration from previous governments, especially the Attlee government of '45. We saw a country that was completely destroyed by war and the answers of that Labour government weren't to tinker around the edges."

"My grandparents came to this country after Britain's rulers looted their homeland. We're here, as Sivanandan said, because you were there."