Catholics From Colombia

"If you want peace in Colombia, one must form a conscious citizen to have the right to peace. But it is also necessary that people have the right to protest, without violence, and also has the right to demand answers."

"Oppose any kind of hostage taking since freedom is essential and it is part of the dignity of all God's children."

"It is not sufficient to say, as the FARC do, that kidnapping does not involve civilians but aim at police and soldiers: they are also citizens, fathers, men who are providing a service to the nation. Any hope of peace is buried. If they truly have valid proposals to govern a country as difficult as ours, then they must enter into a context of democratic politics and participate in elections."

"A genuine process of reconciliation and peace is not simply to restore what has been damaged, because it is not possible to restore, but rather it is about creating a new society."

"Understand that killing each other and shedding even more blood in a territory that has always been stained with the blood of innocent men and women is not the right way.*We are here, pilgrims of hope to meet Jesus Christ, alongside the victims of violence and armed conflict."

"I am something like the hands and feet of the social work that we do as a group in the process of transforming the Colombian territory. The working group helps us to be visible in the international community and to carry out a large part of our work. During the meeting with Pope Francis on June 12, the Pope described Colombia as a noble country with lovely people and workers, but we must not forget that there is enormous suffering due to the violence that has gripped us for over 70 years."

"The danger denounced by the Latin American bishops is that of the prevailing of an ideology that is not Latin American but which can have a certain contingent success, as sometimes happens with the democratic majorities that are here today and gone tomorrow. A danger arising out of anthropological confusion and out of the juridical positivism reigning in some countries, whereby the law, as law, is always good. But this is not a certain criterion, history is full of examples that run counter."

"Demographic politics, with the ways of a hew ideology and what is called "demographic colonialism", specialize in poor regions and countries. These are not the product of something spontaneous. They are provoked, concerted and coordinated for powerful institutions working with a particular view."

"I was chosen by Christ to be a priest forever because of the desire to concentrate my full time to the love of my fellow men. As a sociologist I have wanted this love to be translated into efficient service through technology and science. My analysis of Colombian society made me realize that revolution is necessary to feed the hungry, give drink to the thirsty, clothe the naked and procure a life of well-being for the needy majority of our people."

"The catholic who is not a revolutionary is living in mortal sin."

"I have left the privileges and duties of the clergy, but I have not stopped being a priest. I believe that I have given myself to the Revolution out of love for my neighbor. I have stopped saying Mass in order to realize this love for my neighbor, in the temporal, economic and social realms. When my neighbor has nothing against me, when I have accomplished the Revolution, I will return to offering Mass if God allows me. I believe that in this way I am following Christ's command: "If you bring your gift to the altar and there remember that your brother has something against you, leave your gift there before the altar, and go. First be reconciled to your brother, and then come and offer your gift" (St. Matthew V, 23-24)."

"The Church's temporary defects should not scandalize us. The Church is human. What is important is to believe that she is also divine and that if we Christians fulfill our obligation to love our neighbor, we are strengthening the Church."

"There ought to be an elimination of the social and psychological factors which hinder a conscious and personal adherence to the Church among those who desire to love and serve their fellow men. Among these factors are the economic power of the Church and its political power. This is manifested formally through laws and the Concordat, and informally by clericalism (meddling in temporal matters with a domineering spirit). Among other factors we should mention the cultural, sociological, and psychological separation between the clergy and the faithful, the lack of solidarity with the poor, and the lack of scientific spirit in the Church."

"The platform (manifesto) of struggle of the United Front of the People can be realized only after the people have taken power. Its only novelty consists in its seeking the common points of the revolution without entering into religious or party differences. It can be accepted by Catholics and non-Catholics, by poor Liberals and poor Conservatives, by the revolutionary elements of the NML, the Communist, ANAPO, and Christian Democratic parties, and especially by the revolutionary elements of the non-aligned in these groups. However, it is necessary to explain that this platform leans toward the establishment of a socialist state; that is, “socialist” understood only in a technical and positive sense, not in the ideological sense. We offer practical, not theoretical, socialism."

"The revolutionary struggle is not just any struggle—it is not a commitment of a few hours or a few pesos. It is a struggle to which it is necessary to commit one's life."

"The Colombian clergy certainly is not guilty of being Communist. Communism is a philosophical system incompatible with Christianity, although in their socioeconomic aspirations the majority of Communists hold precepts not opposed to the Christian faith."

"If Jesus was alive today, he would be a guerrillero."

"Why do we Catholics fight the communists - the people with whom it is said we have most antagonism - over the question of whether the soul is mortal or is immortal instead of agreeing that hunger is indeed mortal? Certainly, we Catholics who ourselves want the church to be poor are not going to fight with those who are against a rich church."

"We must not allow ourselves to be misled by the myth of elections, unless the popular class controls the electoral system, presents a programme of fundamental change of the institutions, breaks up the present political power system so that the majority constitutes the main pressure group and determines the policy and makes the decisions of the government."

"It has often been said that our Catholics are fetishists. It may well be that there are many manifestations of it. It is certainly evident in the preaching and teaching of Christian morality, with its emphasis on sexual matters and its insistence upon external observance. Some people maliciously insinuate that that is what brings the priests most money. However, there are many popular external practices, not specifically Christian, perhaps fetishistic, which do not represent any type of profit for the priests, and yet the priests insist on them. As heirs of Spanish Catholicism, we place emphasis on the external. It can be practiced more easily and widely."

"If the application of economic and social principles turns out well, it is probable that the insistence on philosophical speculation will fade out. As a matter of fact, this has already happened in certain places, as for instance in Poland. What is more, the most recent statements of Togliatti concerning antireligious tactics show how Marxism must evolve in its theory, if in practice it has shown that religion is not “the opium of the people.”"

"With the rise in national income came an apparent elevation, although not proportionate, of the economic level of the majority groups. This facilitated the increase of the educational level and of cooperatives of every kind among these same groups which began to exercise various and effective pressures on governmental organs. The play of forces between the minorities as holders of the economic power and the organized majorities became more equitable. Private interests became more general. Naturally, this occurred within national boundaries, because in international policy the interests of the indigent countries were sacrificed to those of the rich countries. Lenin’s prediction began to come true: national capitalism was changed into international imperialism."

"I am fervent partisan to the expropriation of Church property even in the case that no revolution might occur."

"Colombian society is, in its majority, a Catholic society in the sense that it complies with external rites (baptism, confession, Communion, marriage, burial Mass, extreme unction, processions, novenae, scapulars, first Fridays). Within Colombian society, there are many who love their fellow man, with the love manifest in self-surrender, although they deny that they are Catholics or, at least, deny they belong to the church—the church being understood as the ecclesiastical structure. If the pastoral program is concentrated on maintaining the above stated situation, it may not be possible to build or extend the Kingdom of God. If the priority of love above all is accepted, if preaching is preferred over the celebration of rites, the hierarchy will have to undertake a missionary pastoral program. Pastoral mission requires that quality rather than quantity of Catholics be emphasized. More insistence must be placed on personal conviction than on the usual pressures of family and society. The exclusive teaching of Catholicism in the schools must be abandoned, and pluralism must be accepted. Freedom of speech must be permitted in the classroom. Both children and adults must be led in Bible study. Emphasis must be placed more on the love that is surrender of self than on professed faith and religious observances. Preaching of the Gospel must be stressed above the celebration of rites. Steps must be taken to eliminate social and psychological factors which stand in the way of a conscientious and personal involvement in the church on the part of those who want to love and surrender themselves to others. Within these factors are the economic power of the church and the political power of the church. This power resides formally in laws and in the Concordat. It lies informally in clericalism (intromission, the desire to dominate in the temporal plane)."

"Because of the traditional relations between Christians and Marxists, and between the Church and the Communist party, it is quite likely that erroneous suspicions and suppositions will arise regarding the relations of Christians and Marxists within the United Front, and of a priest and the Communist Party. This is why I want to clarify to the Colombian people my relations with the Communist Party and its position within the United Front. I have said that I am a revolutionary as a Colombian, as a sociologist, as a Christian, and as a priest. I believe that there are elements within the Communist Party which are genuinely revolutionary. Consequently, I cannot be anti-Communist either as a Colombian, as a sociologist, as a Christian, or as a priest. I am not anti-Communist as a Colombian because anti-Communism in my country is best on persecuting the dissatisfied, whether they be Communist or not, who in the main are poor people. I am not an anti-Communist as a sociologist because the Communist proposals to combat poverty, hunger, illiteracy, and lack of housing and public service are effective and scientific. I am not an anti-Communist as a Christian because I believe that anti-Communism condemns the whole of Communism, without acknowledging that there is both right and wrong in its cause. By condemning the whole it's like condemning both the just and the unjust, and this is anti-Christian. I am not anti-Communist as a priest because whether the Communists realize it or not, there are within their ranks some authentic Christians. If they are working in good faith, they might well be the recipients of sanctifying grace. Should this be true, and should they love their neighbor, they would be saved. My role as a priest, even though I am not exercising its prerogatives externally, is to lead all men to God. The most effective way to do this is to get men to serve the people in keeping with their conscience. I do not intend to proselytize among the Communists and to try to get them to accept Christian teaching and go to church. I do want all men to act in accordance with their conscience, to look in earnest for the truth, and to love their neighbor effectively. The Communists must be fully aware of the fact that I will not join their ranks, that I am not nor will I ever be a Communist, either as a Colombian, as a sociologist, as a Christian, or as a priest. Yet I am disposed to fight with them for common objectives: against the oligarchy and the domination of the United States, and for the takeover of power by the popular class. I do not want public opinion to identify me with the Communists. This is why in all my public appearances I have wanted to be surrounded not only by the Communists but by all revolutionaries, be they independent or followers of other movements. . . . Once the popular class assumes power, with the help of all revolutionaries, then our people will be ready to discuss the religious orientation they should give their lives. Poland is an example of how socialism can be established without destroying what is essential to Christianity. As a Polish priest once said: "As Christians we have the obligation of contributing to the construction of a socialist state so long as we are allowed to adore God as we wish."

"The main thing in Catholicism is love for one's neighbour. "He who loves his neighbour fulfils his law." (St. Paul, Rom. XIII, 8). This love, to be true, must seek effectiveness. If charity, alms, the few free schools, the few housing schemes, what has been called "charity", is not enough to feed the majority of the hungry, nor to clothe the majority of the naked, nor to teach the majority of those who do not know, we must seek effective means for the well-being of the majority."

"The problems of divorce and birth control that Colombian women believe they can resolve within a conformist and oppressive system cannot be resolved except within a system that respects people's conscience and individual, family and social rights. They cannot be resolved except when there is a State that has true autonomy and at the same time respect in relation to the ecclesiastical hierarchy."

"For the unity of the popular class, until death! For the organization of the popular class, until death! For the seizure of power for the working class, until death! Until death, because we are determined to go all the way. Until victory, because a people who give themselves up until death always achieve victory. Until the final victory, with the slogans of the NATIONAL LIBERATION ARMY. Not one step back... Liberation or death!"

"The duty of every Christian is to be revolutionary, and that of the revolutionary to make the revolution (...) when the people decide to fight to the end there will be no power that can be superior to the power of that people who want their freedom."

"The followers of the United Front, when planning the take-over of political power necessarily have to make a tactical decision - to follow through to the ultimate consequences and use whatever means the oligarchy leaves open to seize power. This attitude has no great ideological consequences because the church itself has established the conditions for a just war. Violence is not excluded from the Christian ethic, because if Christianity is concerned with eliminating the serious evils which we suffer and with saving us from the continuous violence in which we live without possible solution, the ethic is to be violent once and for all in order to destroy the violence which the economic minorities exercise against the people.https://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/id/eprint/3552/1/398627.pdf"

"We should lead people to love, with that love manifest in surrender of self, we should preach the gospel; we should celebrate external rites - Eucharist and sacraments."

"By Marxists we mean specifically those who adhere to historical and dialectical materialism. Among these are the orthodox Communists, whom we will investigate separately. First we shall consider Marxists who do not obey the discipline of the official Communist Party. 1. Possibilities. In the modern world, Marxists began the movement advocating structural change. They have technical experts in economics and in the physical and biological sciences. But dogmatism in the social sciences has been partially harmful to the orthodox Marxists who are the most emphatically dogmatic. We say “partially,” because orthodox socio-economic analyses are in harmony with the socio-economic structures of the indigent countries. As a matter of fact, if we compare Marxist analyses stricdy pertaining to the socio-economic structures of these countries with capitalist analyses, we will find that the Marxist analyses are better adapted to reality and especially to the expectations of the indigent majorities. With reference to economic planning, Marxists have held the first place, but it is important to recognize the difference between the purely economic, administrative, and technical mechanism of economic planning which authoritatively regulates investments, and the philosophy which inspired this regulation. In our time, this same regulation is inspired and practiced by virtue of other philosophies, for example in Israel. This proves that it is not necessarily connected with Marxist ideology. 2. Advantages. Among the advantages of Marxist planning we should note its orientation, which is specifically popular, and the value of its analyses of underdeveloped or developing societies. We should also keep in mind its tradition in the struggle for structural change and technical planning. 3. Disadvantages. The orthodox Marxists run the risk of being dogmatic in socio-economic matters which are most complex, variable, and contingent. Likewise, with regard to tactics, the party members follow prefabricated schemes which in many cases, as in Cuba, oblige them to diverge from the revolutionary struggles that are not in keeping with these schemes. With regard to heterodox Marxists, they can run the risk of pursuing truncated and diminished ends because they are confined within materialistic conceptions. As for the means employed, it is probable that many of them restrain and curb certain human rights."

"If we don't eliminate interest in cocaine production the people aren't going to consider other alternatives, and that's the problem with PLANTE. There has been plenty of good will, funding, and a fairly good strategy on the part of the government, but the people are simply unwilling."

"Among the best things in life is to have a holy friend. I feel I am a friend of John Paul II, and it is significant that the contemporary saints moved about this life amid the same difficulties, temptations, and problems we experience. And in the midst of all this, they reached the goal."

"An emphasis on a patient, didactic and global spirituality of communion with a missionary, solidarity orientation throughout the Church starting from the seminaries, priests, men and women religious and lay faithful, pastoral facilities and plans, should enable the Church in America to be in Christ, as the sign and instrument of close communion with God and the unity of all mankind."

"To build peace all the causes of discord among men, which generate wars must disappear; especially injustice."

"When the rights of God are trampled with impunity, the rights of man are in danger."

"The time has arrived when we all have to ask ourselves "What is up to me to do?", and I believe that that is synodality."

"We, as a Church, before a "paraco," a guerrilla, must try to establish a pastoral dialogue."

"We have to plan long term activity working for a future of peace: we cannot not form new generations for war, we must educate them to peace and reconciliation. Moreover education must be integral, involving every aspect of the human person so as to form new Colombians with a mentality of peace, justice, truth and peaceful co-existence."

"I consider that the fundamental desire of the peoples of America is to be able to live in peace. The Catholic Church, by its very nature, mission and commitment with the people of God who wander the face of this continent, cannot remain indifferent to this need felt by so many men and women among us suffering the scourge of violence. A Church which does not strive for peace, would not be the Church Christ founded."

"He was a generous and courageous pastor in announcing the Good News, he paid such a high price for his energetic defense of human life, his firm opposition to all kinds of violence, and his dedication to social development as rooted in the Gospel."

"Now is the time to go out into the sea of life and bring people aboard the boat of the Church, revealing to them the meaning of human dignity and elevating them to the practice of the virtues of the Gospel. May the blessed handmaid of the Lord and queen of the apostles intercede for me so that every day I may strengthen my faith in Jesus Christ and, following the example of my dear parents and brothers and sisters, find consolation in the voice of the Lord who repeats without tiring: Fear not, I have called you by name."

"Communion is manifested in solidarity, the living expression of the love of God and of one's neighbor, which must be expressed in service to everyone, in every situation and everywhere, organizing (political), producing, managing and exchanging goods (economic) and the creation of authentic values (culture). Active evangelization in this spirit produces the fruits of holiness, a vocation to which we are all called by the merciful love of God."

"People lose sight of the common good, there is corruption, there are shortcomings in the administration of justice, and politics is discredited. For this reason it is necessary to provide for political formation not only for the ruling class but also for all the lay faithful."

"The family is a victim of forces which wish to destroy and deform it... our struggle on the pastoral level must be to fight the culture of death."

"We do not need to ask ourselves which steps society has to take to make so many different people form a united America, but let's rather try to discern what we, as the Church in America, can achieve. Our proposal is to serve."

"The causes of the serious status of human life in Colombia, America and the world are based on the following factors, in this order: 1) human and Christian ignorance on the part of individuals, families and communities; 2) more and more individuals and entire groups who turn away from the Lord; 3) indifference to the Lord and His Plan of Salvation from the religious and moral viewpoint, with many people and communities turning simply to natural, legal and civil ethical norms."

"It's not a bad idea to insist on discussions in another country in order to avoid the issue of location and to find a way to establish that humanitarian exchange."

"Nowhere, in a democratic country, one can think of doing politics by defending their points of view with weapons."