Charles Watson-Wentworth, 2nd Marquess of Rockingham

"[W]ithout flattery to your Grace, I must look and ever shall upon you and your connections as the solid foundations on which every good, which has happened to this country since the Revolution, have been erected... What a medley of government is probably soon to take place & when it does what an alarm will ensue!"

"I was from beginning to end, in a most violent agitation and was obliged to speak notwithstanding, three times. I got a good draft of Madeira before I went to the House."

"Alarms begin to operate a little. The fond hopes of instantaneously subduing America are very much subsided. The Conduct of France begins to be deemed liable to suspicion."

"I confess I agree too much with my friend the Duke of Richmond, in thinking that all is over for this country. I nevertheless do feel most strongly that there is a duty, which I perhaps most particularly owe, to the Persons of those who not only encouraged & incited me, but also whose Principles deserve a better fate, than to be buried in the Ruins of their Country. I confess I feel a sollicitude even for myself—I would wish to have it to say, & I would wish to have it remember'd & recorded, that to the last moment we struggled in Behalf of this poor infatuated Country. I am clear, that nothing can possibly effectually avail, unless this country itself recollects & reassumes its genuine principles."

"I REJOICE very much in the spirit which now seems rising in all parts of this country. Yorkshire has done itself great honour in taking the lead, and I am happy that so much sense and discretion prevailed in the outset of the business at the meeting of York... My mind, I confess, is by no means at ease in regard to certain rumours respecting some vague and crude propositions, which I am told are likely to be brought forth. I don't like the idea of tests, and especially on vague and unexplicit propositions. The being elected a representative, if it implies a trust, is most highly honourable, but if it is to lock up your reasoning faculties of deliberating and judging, and is to tie you up beforehand, and preclude you from acting according to your conscience at the moment, I think it would be a disgraceful bondage, and what many men of the nicest sense of honour cannot submit to."

"There is still one speculation on the proposition of a more equal representation which from its magnitude is indeed a most grave, solemn, and important object of consideration. The proposition, I mean, is that as matters now are, the people, as they are called, are not represented. It is held, that retaining the right of voting to freeholders in a county, is an arbitrary and unconstitutional assumption of power. The same opinions are held in regard to the now settled rights of voting in towns and boroughs. The assertion is, that all men (the whole people) should give their votes."

"I confess I have no idea of anything but confusion and weakness from annual parliaments. I by no means disagree to the idea of equitable reform, in regard to what are called rotten boroughs, &c."

"The grievances we feel, and the cause of our misfortune, arise from the corruption of men when chosen into Parliament. Cut off the ways and means of corruption, and the effect must and will naturally cease. Mr. Burke's plan cuts off thirty-nine offices tenable and now held by members of the House of Commons. It also cuts off eleven now held by Peers in the House of Lords. This, indeed, is striking in earnest at the influence of the Crown over persons in Parliament."

"I really feel more solid grounds of hope that the constitution, the liberty and happiness of this country may revive, than I ever expected to have done, for many years past. I think most seriously that if this county of York, at their next proceedings, adheres to the great objects of enforcing frugal expenditure, and striking at the root of corruption, by reducing the ways and means of influence in the Crown, success will attend their endeavours; but if various speculations are gone into, even though they might be partly well founded in principles, I fear, nay, indeed, I am certain, that there are so many visionary schemes and expedients by way of reforms on float, that a general confusion and disagreement will ensue."

"A man worthy to be held in remembrance, because he did not live for himself. His abilities, industry, and influence, were employed without interruption to the last hour of his life, to give stability to the liberties of his country, security to its landed property, increase to its commerce, independence to its public councils, and concord to its empire. These were his ends. For the attainment of these ends, his policy consisted in sincerity, fidelity, directness, and constancy. His virtues were his arts. In opposition, he respected the principles of Government; in Administration, he provided for the liberties of the people."

"He far exceeded all other statesmen in the art of drawing together, without the seduction of self-interest, the concurrence and co-operation of various dispositions and abilities of men, whom he assimilated to his character and associated in his labours. For it was his aim through life to convert party connection, and personal friendship (which others had rendered subservient only to temporary views and the purposes of ambition,) into a lasting depository of his principles, that their energy should not depend upon his life, nor fluctuate, with the intrigues of a Court, or with the capricious fashions amongst the people; but that by securing a succession in support of his maxims, the British Constitution might be preserved, according to its true genius, on ancient foundations, and institutions of tried utility."

"Rockingham was an old whig of sterling honesty who, during a long period of adversity, contended manfully against a corrupt system of government. He was, however, by no means a great statesman. His policy towards America and Ireland was mere opportunism. At the commencement of the Wilkes affair he erred by defect, and towards its close by excess, of zeal. In his just jealousy of the influence of the crown he showed a disposition to push economy to the verge of cheeseparing, while he ignored the far weightier question of the reform of the representative system."

"His parts were by no means great: he was nervous, and mere necessity alone made him at all a speaker in Parliament; where, though he spoke good sense, neither flattery nor partiality could admire or applaud. He was rather trifling and dilatory in business than indolent. Virtues and amiability he must have possessed; for his party esteemed him highly, and his friends loved him with unalterable attachment. In the excess of faction that we have seen, he was never abused; and no man in public life, I believe, had ever fewer enemies. His death may be more remembered than his actions would have been, and may have greater consequences than any plan of his would have had; for he countenanced a system rather than instigated it. Whoever is his successor will not be of so negative a character."

"Lord Sandwich having abused Lord Rockingham in the House of Lords, Lord Gower said to him, "Sandwich, how could you worry the poor dumb creature so!""