politicians-from-michigan

"Criminal punishment for disobedience of an arbitrary and invalid order is objectionable regardless of whether the order be interlocutory or final."

"Experience demonstrates that in time of war individual liberties cannot always be entrusted safely to uncontrolled administrative discretion. Illustrative of this proposition is the remark attributed to one of the members of petitioner's local board to the effect that "I do not have any damned use for Jehovah's Witnesses." The presumption against foreclosing the defense of illegal and arbitrary administrative action is therefore strong."

"Any inconvenience that may have accompanied an attempt to conform to procedural due process cannot be said to justify violations of constitutional rights of individuals."

"Individual rights have been recognized by our jurisprudence only after long and costly struggles. They should not be struck down by anything less than the gravest necessity. We assent to their temporary suspension only to the extent that they constitute a clear and present danger to the effective prosecution of the war and only as a means of preserving those rights undiminished for ourselves and future generations. Before giving such an assent, therefore, we should be convinced of the existence of a reasonable necessity and be satisfied that the suspension is in accordance with the legislative intention."

"No adequate reason is given for the failure to treat these Japanese Americans on an individual basis by holding investigations and hearings to separate the loyal from the disloyal, as was done in the case of persons of German and Italian ancestry. Yet nearly four months elapsed after Pearl Harbor before the first exclusion order was issued; nearly eight months went by until the last order was is sued; and the last of these "subversive" persons was not actually removed until almost eleven months had elapsed. Leisure and deliberation seem to have been more of the essence than speed. And the fact that conditions were not such as to warrant a declaration of martial law adds strength to the belief that the factors of time and military necessity were not as urgent as they have been represented to be."

"This exclusion of "all persons of Japanese ancestry, both alien and non-alien," from the Pacific Coast area on a plea of military necessity in the absence of martial law ought not to be approved. Such exclusion goes over "the very brink of constitutional power" and falls into the ugly abyss of racism."

"The judicial test of whether the Government, on a plea of military necessity, can validly deprive an individual of any of his constitutional rights is whether the deprivation is reasonably related to a public danger that is so "imme diate, imminent, and impending" as not to admit of delay and not to permit the intervention of ordinary constitutional processes to alleviate the danger. Civilian Exclusion Order No. 34, banishing from a prescribed area of the Pacific Coast "all persons of Japanese ancestry, both alien and non-alien," clearly does not meet that test. Being an obvious racial discrimination, the order deprives all those within its scope of the equal protection of the laws as guaranteed by the Fifth Amendment. It further deprives these individuals of their constitutional rights to live and work where they will, to establish a home where they choose and to move about freely. In excommunicating them without benefit of hearings, this order also deprives them of all their constitutional rights to procedural due process. Yet no reasonable relation to an "immediate, imminent, and impending" public danger is evident to support this racial restriction which is one of the most sweeping and complete deprivations of constitutional rights in the history of this nation in the absence of martial law."

"Murphy fought against discrimination in many forms. He was the first justice to include the word "racism" in an opinion, in his vehement dissent in Korematsu v. United States (1944). In Falbo v. United States (1944), he wrote, "The law knows no finer hour than when it cuts through formal concepts and transitory emotions to protect unpopular citizens against discrimination and persecution.""

"It must be conceded that the military and naval situation in the spring of 1942 was such as to generate a very real fear of invasion of the Pacific Coast, accompanied by fears of sabotage and espionage in that area. The military command was therefore justified in adopting all reasonable means necessary to combat these dangers. In adjudging the military action taken in light of the then apparent dangers, we must not erect too high or too meticulous standards; it is necessary only that the action have some reasonable relation to the removal of the dangers of invasion, sabotage and espionage. But the exclusion, either temporarily or permanently, of all persons with Japanese blood in their veins has no such reasonable relation. And that relation is lacking because the exclusion order necessarily must rely for its reasonableness upon the assumption that all persons of Japanese ancestry may have a dangerous tendency to commit sabotage and espionage and to aid our Japanese enemy in other ways. It is difficult to believe that reason, logic or experience could be marshalled in support of such an assumption."

"Common sense and justice dictate that a citizen accused of a crime should have the fullest hearing possible, plus the opportunity to present every reasonable defense. Only an unenlightened jurisprudence condemns an individual without according him those rights. Such a denial is especially oppressive where a full hearing might disclose that the administrative action underlying the prosecution is the product of excess wartime emotions."

"That an individual should languish in prison for five years without being accorded the opportunity of proving that the prosecution was based upon arbitrary and illegal administrative action is not in keeping with the high standards of our judicial system. Especially is this so where neither public necessity nor rule of law or statute leads inexorably to such a harsh result. The law knows no finer hour than when it cuts through formal concepts and transitory emotions to protect unpopular citizens against discrimination and persecution. I can perceive no other course for the law to take in this case."

"The main reasons relied upon by those responsible for the forced evacuation, therefore, do not prove a reasonable relation between the group characteristics of Japanese Americans and the dangers of invasion, sabotage and espionage. The reasons appear, instead, to be largely an accumulation of much of the misinformation, half-truths and insinuations that for years have been directed against Japanese Americans by people with racial and economic prejudices-the same people who have been among the foremost advocates of the evacuation.'"

"I dissent, therefore, from this legalization of racism. Racial discrimination in any form and in any degree has no justifiable part whatever in our democratic way life. It is unattractive in any setting but it is utterly revolting among a free people who have embraced the principles set forth in the Constitution of the United States. All residents of this nation are kin in some way by blood or culture to a foreign land. Yet they are primarily and necessarily a part of the new and distinct civilization of the United States. They must accordingly be treated at all times as the heirs of the American experiment and as entitled to all the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution."

"No one denies, of course, that there were some disloyal persons of Japanese descent on the Pacific Coast who did all in their power to aid their ancestral land. Similar disloyal activities have been engaged in by many persons of German, Italian and even more pioneer stock in our country. But to infer that examples of individual disloyalty prove group disloyalty and justify discriminatory action against the entire group is to deny that under our system of law individual guilt is the sole basis for deprivation of rights. Moreover, this inference, which is at the very heart of the evacuation orders, has been used in support of the abhorrent and despicable treatment of minority groups by the dictatorial tyrannies which this nation is now pledged to destroy. To give constitutional sanction to that inference in this case, however well-intentioned may have been the military command on the Pacific Coast, is to adopt one of the cruelest of the rationales used by our enemies to destroy the dignity of the individual and to encourage and open the door to discriminatory actions against other minority groups in the passions of tomorrow."

"Trump's full reorientation towards the "enemy within" ...has major implications for his use of force..."

"A few weeks ago the Senate Armed Services Committee, the committee I sit on... both sides of the aisle asked the Defense Department for the name and number of the organizations that the United States is currently at war with. They refused to provide it. We asked for a copy of the memo from the Justice Department that lays out the legal case for these strikes. They refused to provide it."

"[T]he president quietly put out an directing the Department of Justice to create a list of "domestic terror organizations." ...[G]roups that are accused of anti-Americanism, , anti-Christianity, or hostility toward those who hold "traditional American views on family, religion or morality. ...{T]hese groups don't have to be violent to get ...on the list. The order suggested that DOJ could look at chat groups, in-person meetings, social media and even s."

"Trump is ready to bring the whole weight of the federal government against Americans he perceives as enemies. Why? Because he has one goal. Making sure that he and his ilk never have to give up power. ...I think between the strikes in the Caribbean, his efforts to identify domestic terrorists, and his deployment of force in American cities, that seems to be where we're headed."

"I'm introducing a bill, the No Troops in Our Streets Act that gives Congress the ability to immediately end a military deployment in American cities."

"To the military. You too have a critical role... According to law, there is such a thing as an illegal order. ...[I]n the choice between loyalty to the Constitution and loyalty to one man, there is only one right answer, and every one of you has taken that oath."

"To our s. You can... exercise your political power to call out Trump's dangerous use of our military. ...Don't ever underestimate the power of your voice in how impactful it can be when you speak up. ...DM me. We're getting the band back together."

"Trump hasn't planned for... the will of the American people. Americans have an internal barometer for things that sound and smell authoritarian. ...[I]n Michigan ...even ardent Trump supporters don't like what they're seeing ...That should give us hope."

"The Trump administration notified Congress that we... are in armed conflict with a number of cartels... "designated terrorist organizations." ...But here's what's different about the strikes and what's precedent setting. The president and secretary Hegseth are refusing to tell the American people... the names, and they won't tell us why they're being targeted."

"Trump plans to see how far he can stretch the law before someone tells him no, and if the administration won't publicly name s in the , you can bet that they're not going to tell you the name of this new list of domestic terror organizations. Only this time... it will be on American streets, and in American homes."

"In 2008, 2009, 2010, our recession was pretty close to a depression in Michigan. ...I'm not gonna stand silent while he threatens that in my state."

"Trump has laid out a whole lot of enemies that are American citizens."

"I'm a national-security person, so I made a quad chart. ...I decided to work on the issues that fell into the quadrant that was both strategic and irreversible."

"They were decent to each other. We were all on the same team, and I'm so glad that I got to be there in that moment to see that. And I'm so concerned with how far we feel from that moment."

"I really believe that the existential threat to the country is not coming from abroad. It's the shrinking middle-class at home and what that does to our stability here."

"[T]he American people deserve to know who we are at war with, especially if people are being killed in our name."

"There comes a time in every authoritarian playbook... a tipping point. You accumulate so much power that you realize that if you ever lose... your opponent... can use that very power against you. So you hold on to it with everything you have."

"Congress needs to reclaim our power... over the use of force."

"If the president is going to fundamentally redefine the use of force in America... I believe Trump is reshaping the country to hold on to power."

"Trump is following the same playbook as almost every authoritarian in history. ...Once in office, surround yourself with people loyal to you. Accumulate power and influence, and... start using it against your perceived enemies."

"There are two ways... both out of the same authoritarian playbook. ...Trump finds a pretext, invokes the Insurrection Act and tries to impose . Elections therefore could be cancelled, or if they happen, he could surround polling places with military and federal law enforcement to intimidate voters. The second option... could... swing an election. Labeling opposition groups, candidates and elected officials as terrorists or criminals and going after the infrastructure that allows for competitive elections."

"To my Republican colleagues... in the spirit of John McCain we need to start pushing back where we don't agree on how force is being used."

"Turning the federal government against Trump's enemies goes hand in hand with his use of force in American cities, both federal law enforcement and the military. ...[T]he administration ordered the creation of two new National Guard units, a standing quick reaction force that can deploy anywhere in the country, and... separately, National Guard units in all 50 states focused on quelling so-called civil disturbances."

"I come from a world of war planning... of constant, prudent planning.... where you can't just play defense only. There's no such thing as winning, in any operation or in any war, by just playing defense. What we owe the country is a strategy that does more than play defense."

"I think we need to just grapple with the fact that we have people all over the country who are using violence as a way to convey how they feel, whether they're going through mental hardship or they've got an agenda, and it is just a real - just we have to grapple with it as a country."

"If there's a threat coming from abroad or, you know, something happening, you have to call balls and strikes on that or else people can get, you know, deeply hurt."

"In the Senate, we don’t... divide into progressive versus moderate... behind closed doors. The real debate... is: Do you believe that Trump’s second term is an existential threat to American democracy, or... like his first term, survivable if we... wait... and let his bad policies boomerang on him? ...[S]ome ...have been around and seen so many things ...in Washington that their approach... is just: wait. I do not fall in that camp. It’s not just about age. It’s approach. ...It is not like being in leadership means you’re automatically old guard and need to be booted out. But... leaders in the party are feeling upward pressure... [T]hat’s a good thing."

"For those of us who served abroad, it feels like another country. ...[W]e're about two weeks away from a bloody incident that spirals out of control, and this is just the kind of incident that Trump wants, to justify more force coming in."

"Kamala Harris had a very short time to formulate her campaign. ...Donald Trump, whether you believe him or not, prioritized the talking point of cost of living and the economy. Democrats have policy plans... about good things... I still think we have good ideas. But when you prioritize everything, you actually prioritize nothing."

"There's plenty of time for us to figure out what happened and what the motive was for this man, but it just - it doesn't matter at this point. These people are victims and they're survivors and this community is going to have a long road back to healing."

"It was not just the shooting. It was the fire, and the community is just trying to understand what happened. It is a testament to law enforcement."

"The Caribbean strikes, the list of domestic terrorists, military and law enforcements across our American streets. He seems to be laying the groundwork to stay in power."

"[M]ost Americans who voted for President Trump... did not vote for chaos. ...They didn't vote for cuts to veterans. They didn't vote for...tariffs. ...[I]n my state, it was an economic security vote. ...[H]e is gonna make you pay in every corner of your life. ...He may create a self-inflicted recession."

"What gives me hope is that I go home every weekend, and the vast majority of Michiganders live in that 80% middle that don't scream on the internet, that don't, you know, want to hurt their neighbors when they happen to disagree. They just want team normal."

"The smell of that - the burning buildings and that very sort of toxic chemically smell that was just hanging over New York for weeks, if not months, and it completely changed my life."

"Trump has been very clear about his intent. At Quantico... he instructed his military brass to use cities as "training grounds" and many times he's floated the idea of using the Insurrection Act so that military units can raid, detain and arrest ."