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April 10, 2026
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"What then is the American, this new man? He is either an European, or the descendant of an European, hence that strange mixture of blood, which you will find in no other country. ... Here individuals of all nations are melted into a new race of men, whose labors and posterity will one day cause great changes in the world."
"We are at the end of the Enlightenment. Have you read Charles Maurras?"
"As only God has an absolute value, everything that is not God can have only relative value. To be created means that oneâs being is not due to oneself but to something other than oneself. This creates a perpetual sense of self-loss within oneâs own state of unfulfillment. It means that one is not self-sufficient but a dependent beingâoneâs state of existence is caged from the start inside that dependency. Creation therefore does not posit manâs autonomy. It circumscribes it, and by virtue of this, in my opinion, invalidates it. Indeed, man has no right to enjoy this world except on condition of acknowledging that he is not its true owner but at best its steward. Yahweh alone is the owner of the world. âThe earth belongs to me, and you are nothing but strangers and guests to my eyesâ (Leviticus 25:23)."
"In paganism, on the contrary, good cannot be separated from beauty, and this is normal, because the good is form, the consummate forms of worldly things. Consequently, art cannot be separated from religion. Art is sacred. Not only can the gods be represented, but art is how they can be represented, and insofar as men perpetually assure them of representation, they have a full status of existence. All European spirituality is based on representation as mediation between the visible and the invisible, on representation by means of depicted figures and signs exchanged against a meaning intimately tied to the real, the very guarantee of this incessant and mutual conversion of the sign and meaning. Beauty is the visible sign of what is good, ugliness the visible sign of not only what is deformed or spoiled but bad."
"The âtheoreticalâ capital of the Nouvelle Droite was synthesized in Alain de Benoistâs main work, Vue de droite (1977), which he himself described in the introduction as an âanthology,â if not an âencyclopedia,â since a portion of the work had already been published in the form of articles in various journals... In summary, this âanthologyâ presents itself as a manual listing the themes to be used by the militants of an intellectually revamped and modernized, even rearmed, extreme right; one that is in a direct line of descent from the extreme right movements of the prewar era."
"After the Commune, thousands of workers were shot, while the leaders were allowed to escape; a King of France would have punished the leaders mercilessly, but he would have spared the people."
"What are Pavia or Rosbach...compared to Sedan or Waterloo? Revolutions have succeeded revolutions. The state is bankrupt. Three times foreign invaders have occupied Paris. We have had two civil wars. We have witnessed the making of Italian unity and German unity and the enormous expansion of the double Anglo-Saxon empire. Never has political France been so small. And since then she has accomplished her masterpiece of smallness. She has turned herself into a Republic, in other words she has deliberately chosen to be weak and defeated."
"The bourgeoisie does not understand the labour question."
"There can be no social peace in the Republic, and social reform is impossible without the king."
"Official orators have agreed amongst themselves to leave out one essential point: that to undertake the liberation of the fatherland, Joan had to go directly to the Dauphin Charles, acknowledge the right of his royal blood, and have him crowned and acclaimed on the cathedral square of Reims."
"Comte put to flight the pernicious and artificial doctrine according to which there is an opposition between the interests of the ruler and the ruled, for the latter derives his greatest benefit from being directed and guided... Renan finally made me aware of the service any ĂŠlite, when it sincerely concerns itself with the highest considerations, renders and must render to the multitude, even unconsciously."
"This pre-existing capital brings men fortune and honour, equips and refines them from the moment they come into the world, without anything having been done about it by these happy animals... Whatever brings together this beneficent capital is therefore a good thing; whatever dissipates it is less good. Work is good, saving is good... It is in the closely knit and stable circle of the home that production, acquisition, conservation have the greatest chance of success, for the personal instinct is there moderated and regulated by immediate affection, and generosity balanced by healthy egoism. Thus strength, duration and hereditary are related and linked; so are also the constitution of great families, the accumulation of vast possessions, the possibility of education and culture."
"In London and Berlin, at the time when Berlin and London flourished, the government was dynastic; it was so in Paris when Paris flourished. Dynastic succession creates the coherence of all the strength of an empire. Etymology would tell one that, in the absence of history. Not only because dynasty does without the exhausting system of electoral and parliamentary competition, but because it is good and beautiful that the authority of the sovereign authority should not be a force fashioned by human hand, that it should come to us from the most ancient times, and that the centuries should have created it for us and transmitted it to us, named it and imposed it on us ready-made, helped as it were by its legitimacy, that right of the leaders which is based on the fact that they played the major part in the creation of the country."
"That France may live, the King must return."
"There are certain conservatives in France who fill us with disgust. Why? Because of their stupidity. What kind of stupidity? Hitlerism. These French "conservatives" crawl on their bellies before Hitler. These former nationalists cringe before him. A few zealots wallow in dirt, in their own dirt, with endless Heils. The wealthier they are, the more they own, the more important it is to make them understand that if Hitler invaded us he would skin them much more thoroughly than Blum, Thorez and Stalin combined. This "conservative" error is suicidal. We must appeal to our friends not to let themselves be befogged. We must tell them: Be on your guard! What is now at stake is not anti-democracy or anti-Semitism. France above all!"
"These elements in French society were now to be given a lead by a man of genius whose power of argument, of sophistry, of tenacity, served to give an appearance of life to the dead monarchy and who provided a framework of political doctrine within which nearly all the critics of the Republic on the Right were to work and which was not without its influence on some critics of the Left."
"Maurras was no optimist; human life at best was hard; the wise man accepted this fact and adjusted himself to the world as it was and ever would be, a world in which the race was to the swift and the battle to the strong, in which mere sentimental pity was a weakness and an intellectual crime. Like Nietzsche, Maurras despised Christianity and thought its politically dangerous sentiments of "he hath put down the mighty from their seat and hath exalted the humble" order highly noxious. In his early writings he gave free expression to this hostility, but as a realist, a positivist, he had to admit that France had been profoundly marked by the teaching of the Church; and as a practical politician, he had to face the fact that many of his potential supporters were likely to be alienated by the frank expression of his distaste for Christianity. So whatever regrets he had for the old gods, he had to recognize that they were conquered, that the day of the "laurel, the palms and the paean" was over. He accepted the fact that the French tradition was Christian, but, fortunately, Christian with a Roman and Hellenic superstructure."
"Maurras, like Bannon, was a Catholic nationalist, and he argued in the early 1900s that the Enlightenment had elevated the individual over the nation. (One person who knows Bannon said he has spoken of the coming end of the Enlightenment.) To Maurras, a hero of the modern French right wing, the French Revolution ideals of "liberty, equality and fraternity" were a liberal cosmopolitan corruption of France's authentic identity. Bannon has approvingly cited Maurras' distinction between the "legal country," led by elected officials, and the "real country" of ordinary people, as a frame for the populist revolt underway. Maurras even warned about the nefarious influence of Islam in Europe."
"Maurras had converted to monarchism during a visit to the eastern Mediterranean in 1896 when he realized how little influence republican France had in comparison to the monarchical empires of Great Britain, Germany and Russia. The Dreyfus Affair convinced him that the Republic had fallen into the hands of the "four confederate states" of Jews, Protestants, freemasons and foreigners, and that only a restored monarchy could bring back a strong state, a united nation and national greatness."
"Maurras's nostalgia for his native province had inspired him to learn the Provençal language and eventually to join the FÊlibres, a tiny group of southern ÊmigrÊs in Paris who sought to promote the Provençal renaissance inaugurated by the poet FrÊdÊric Mistral. From this provincial, back-to-the-soil milieu emerged the guiding principles of Maurras's peculiar brand of royalism: political decentralization, restoration of the pre-revolutionary provincial boundaries, opposition to statism, official recognition of Provençal. Such doctrines hardly appealed to the cosmopolitan young Parisian who had recently observed the failure of Bavarian separatism and the enviable vitality of the unitary German Empire. In a subsequent letter Bainville declared himself in favor of centralization and accused Maurras of exaggerating the intelligence of France's rural population."
"The ultra-nationalist writer Charles Maurras believed there were âtwo Francesâ. The one he loved was the "pays rĂŠel", the real country: a rural France of church clocks, traditions and native people fused with their ancestral soil. Maurras loathed the âpays lĂŠgalâ, the legal country: the secular republic, which he thought was run by functionaries conspiring for alien interests."
"Rather than be outraged, we need to understand. I fight all the antisemitic ideas of Maurras, but I find it absurd to say that Maurras must no longer exist."
"Modernity proclaims rights without in any way providing the means to exercise them."
"The promotion of âaverageâ individual causes a general levelling down."
"A collection of errors does not make a truth: quality cannot stem from quantity â a value is not a weight. The reasons of the majority cannot be taken as good reasons."
"Contrary to what is all too often claimed, voters do not wish the men they have elected to be in their image. Voters love greatness and are capable of recognizing it. They love courage, even when they personally lack it."
"Far from being âan effective counter-force to the fanaticsâ, apathy plays in their favour: for under these conditions, âfanaticsâ may easily be the only ones capable of mobilising public opinion. The prevalence of greyness brings out colours â whatever they may be. When political life is in decline, violence and terrorism appear as the only means of striking an anaesthetised public opinion with no power over legal procedures. Apathy is a real gift to extremism."
"Humanity is necessarily pluralistic. It presents incompatible value systems. It is comprised of different families â and does not constitute a family in itself (âspeciesâ is a biological notion with no historical or cultural value). The only âfamiliesâ in which genuinely âfraternalâ relations may be entertained are cultures, peoples and nations. Fraternity, therefore, can serve as the basis for both solidarity and social justice, for both patriotism and democratic participation."
"In reality, as their theological roots demonstrate, human rights are only law contaminated by morality."
"Universalism is a corruption of objectivity. Whereas objectivity is achieved from particular things, universalism claims to define particularity from an abstract notion posed arbitrarily."
"When one speaks of a âhuman rightâ, does one mean that this right possesses an intrinsic value, an absolute value or an instrumental value? That it is of such importance that its realisation should take precedence over all other considerations, or that it just counts among the things that are indispensable? That it gives a power or a privilege? That it permits an immunity or that it confers an immunity?"
"There is no need to âbelieveâ in Jupiter or Wotan... Contemporary paganism does not consist of erecting altars to Apollo or reviving the worship of Odin. Instead it implies looking behind religion and, according to a now classic itinerary, seeking for the âmental equipmentâ that produced it, the inner world it reflects, and how the world it depicts as apprehended. In short, it consists of viewing the gods as âcenters of valueâ and the beliefs they generate as value systems: gods and beliefs may pass away, but the values remain."
"When it comes to specifying the values particular to paganism, people have generally listed features such as these: an eminently aristocratic conception of the human individual; an ethics founded on honor (âshameâ rather than âsinâ); an heroic attitude toward lifeâs challenges; the exaltation and sacralization of the world, beauty, the body, strength, health; the rejection of any âworlds beyondâ; the inseparability of morality and aesthetics; and so on. From this perspective, the highest value is undoubtedly not a form of âjusticeâ whose purpose is essentially interpreted as flattening the social order in the name of equality, but everything that can allow a man to surpass himself. To paganism, it is pure absurdity to consider the results of the workings of lifeâs basic framework as unjust. In the pagan ethic of honor, the classic antithesis noble vs. base, courageous vs. cowardly, honorable vs. dishonorable, beautiful vs. deformed, sick vs. healthy, and so forth, replace the antithesis operative in a morality based on the concept of sin: good vs. evil, humble vs. vainglorious, submissive vs. proud, weak vs. arrogant, modest vs. boastful, and so on. However, while all this appears to be accurate, the fundamental feature in my opinion is something else entirely. It lies in the denial of dualism."
"Paganism therefore implies the rejection of this discontinuity, this rupture, this fundamental tear, which is the âdualistic fiction,â which, as Nietzsche wrote in The Antichrist, âdegenerated God into the contradiction of life, instead of being its transfiguration and eternal Yes!"
"In the Bible, man is only free to submit or be damned. His one freedom is the renunciation of that freedom. He finds his âsalvationâ by freely accepting his subjugation. The Christian ideal, says Saint Paul, is to be freely âsubservient to Godâ (Romans 6:22)."
"The martyr is the exact opposite of the pagan hero personified in the Greek and Germanic heroes ⌠For the pagan hero, a manâs worth lay in his prowess in attaining and holding onto power, and he gladly died on the battlefield in the moment of victory."
"In fact Yahweh is none other than the God who says âenough.â The Law he issues is meant as limitation. The Covenant he concludes symbolically seals this castration."
"Alone of all the animals, manâs actions are not predicated by his membership in a species. In the spirit of Judeo-Christian monotheism, it is thus necessary that he could have âactedâ differently. In short, Yahweh would have preferred that man had not emerged from ânature.â This is the meaning of the story told in the first chapters of Genesis. As long as the âfirst menâ were only ânatural beings,â as long as their humanization had not truly been achieved, they could not fully display their creative powers. They could not set themselves up as rivals of Yahweh."
"But for man to set himself up as man, means the adoption of a super-nature, a superior nature that is nothing other than culture whose effect is the emancipation of reflective consciousness from the repetitious constraints of the species. What this means especially is that man is given the possibility of going beyond himself and transforming. In other words, to ensure that each âsuper-natureâ obtained is simply a step towards another âsuper-nature.â Now this project is the equivalent of making man a kind of god â allowing him to participate in the Divine â a perspective the Bible depicts as an âabomination.â Accordingly, the monotheist declaration is first and foremost a solemn prohibition against man establishing himself as a god. The reason for this is that when man has gone beyond his original status (the episode of âoriginal sinâ), to one that is fully autonomous he thereby takes on a super-humanity that confirms him as the cause of himself."
"A connection could be drawn between the secular ascent of biblical values in today's world and the depreciation of beauty that characterizes it on so many levels. Beauty today is often depreciated as monotonous or denounced as a constraining norm, when it is simply reduced to a pure spectacle accompanied by a rehabilitation or even exaltation of deformity and ugliness, as can be seen in many areas. The degeneration of beauty and the promotion of ugliness, tied to the flowering of intellectualism, could be certainly be part of the Umwertung stigmatized by Nietzsche."
"Nor is there any valid reason to reject the idea of God or the notion of the sacred just because of the sickly expression Christianity has given to them, any more than it is necessary to break with aristocratic principles on the pretext that they have been caricatured by the bourgeoisie."
"Paganism sacralizes and thereby exalts this world whereas Judeo-Christian monotheism sanctifies and thereby retreats from this world. Paganism is based on the idea of the sacred."
"If all men are brothers outside of any specifically human paradigm then no one can truly be a brother. The institution of a symbolically universal âpaternityâ annihilates the very possibility of true fraternity, in such a way that it proclaims itself in the absolute by the very thing that destroys it."
"Adam and Eve, placed in the garden of Eden, find themselves forbidden to eat of âthe tree of the knowledge of good and evilâ (Genesis 2:17). Catholic theologians believe this âknowledgeâ forbidden by Elohim-Yahweh is neither omniscience nor moral discernment, but the ability to decide what is good or evil. Jewish theology is more subtle. The âtreeâ of the knowledge is interpreted as the representation of a world where good and evil âare in a combined state,â where there is no absolute Good and Evil. In other words, the âtreeâ is a foreshadowing of the real world we live in, a world where nothing is absolutely clear cut, where moral imperatives are tied to human values, and where everything of any greatness and importance always takes place beyond good and evil. Furthermore, in the Hebrew tradition âto eatâ means âto assimilate.â To eat of the tree of knowledge of good and evil is therefore to personally enter this real world where human initiative âcombinesâ good and evil. Adamâs transgression, from which all the others are derived, is clearly âthat of autonomy,â accordingly, as emphasized by Eisenberg and Abecassis, this would be âthe desire to conduct his own history alone in according to his own desire and his own word or law."
""One can have a society without God,â writes RĂŠgis Debray, âbut there cannot be a society without religion.â He adds, âThose nations on the way to disbelief are on the path to abdication.â One can also cite Georges Bataille, according to whom, âreligion, whose essence is the search for lost intimacy, boils down to a clearly conscious effort to become entirely self-conscious.â"
"Yahweh accepts that man has a history, but he strives to neutralize it by giving it a purpose, which is precisely the return to the pre-historical state of paradisiacal âinnocence.â (Yahweh only accepts history in order to assign it an end.)"
"As man has managed to turn himself into a player of the world, the sole thing that can now prevent him from using all his possibilities of playing, is to make him believe that he did not invent the rules of the game."
"In fact, it is not a question of going back to the past, but of connecting with it â and also, by that very fact, in a spherical conception of history, to connect to the eternal and cause it to surge back, to have consonance in life, and to disentangle itself from the tyranny of the logos, the terrible tyranny of the Law, so as to reestablish the school of the mythos and life."
"The opposite concept of the Latin religio should be sought in the Latin verb negligere. To be religious is synonymous with responsibility, not neglect. To be responsible is to be free â to possess the concrete means of exercising free action. At the same time, to be free is also to be connected to others by a common spirituality."
"The world only hides one thing, says ClĂŠment Rosset, and that is that it has nothing to hide. It is sufficient onto itself for its own unveiling. Meaning only appears as the result of the representations and interpretations man may give to it."
Young though he was, his radiant energy produced such an impression of absolute reliability that Hedgewar made him the first sarkaryavah, or general secretary, of the RSS.
- Gopal Mukund Huddar
Largely because of the influence of communists in London, Huddar's conversion into an enthusiastic supporter of the fight against fascism was quick and smooth. The ease with which he crossed from one worldview to another betrays the fact that he had not properly understood the world he had grown in.
Huddar would have been 101 now had he been alive. But then centenaries are not celebrated only to register how old so and so would have been and when. They are usually celebrated to explore how much poorer our lives are without them. Maharashtrian public life is poorer without him. It is poorer for not having made the effort to recall an extraordinary life.
I regret I was not there to listen to Balaji Huddar's speech [...] No matter how many times you listen to him, his speeches are so delightful that you feel like listening to them again and again.
By the time he came out of Franco's prison, Huddar had relinquished many of his old ideas. He displayed a worldview completely different from that of the RSS, even though he continued to remain deferential to Hedgewar and maintained a personal relationship with him.