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April 10, 2026
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"Do not kill those cockroaches with a bullet - cut them to pieces with a machete."
"I look at the prison where he is locked up awaiting a new trial [...]. One cannot help but admire the dignity with which he accepts, more than half a century after the crime of which he is accused, the entire solemn ritual of justice. [...] It was war. And war has nothing moral about it. Why hate? [...] Drop your sticks. And respect the wounded wolves of the world."
"You could say he's my friend. [...] I consider him a German citizen, a Catholic Christian, a loyal soldier. [...] And then he's the only person over 70 behind bars who is innocent. It's scandalous, scandalous how Priebke has been treated. That's the scandal in Italy, not the dignified way in which refugees are being taken in at Lampedusa. Shame on you."
"And if Priebke had refused to obey Kappler, he would have been a hero. But he was not Salvo D'Acquisto, he was not a hero. He was a man with the intellectual and moral depth of a servant dressed in a soldier's uniform. And I would really like to see who, among those journalists, opinion makers and television presenters who today act so tough and “beautiful souls”, would have dared in 1944 to resist an order that came directly from Adolf Hitler."
"I interviewed Erich Priebke. For me, he was always a human being, not a monster. And I still think he was created as the “Monster of the Ardeatine” and a “victim of a justice system driven by hatred”, as I have written many times. I also think that the scene of the crowd kicking his coffin – any coffin – is disgusting. I wanted to highlight the process of media transformation of a person into a monster, beyond his responsibilities. I mean that he was never seen as a defendant, but immediately as a monster. It was a caricature of him. That said, I have always believed that the Fosse Ardeatine massacre was a crime committed by both sides. Before the reprisal, there had been a terrorist act by the gappisti, ordered by the Italian Communist Party, which wanted to incite the Romans to rise up."
"National Socialism has disappeared and today it would have no chance of returning. There were no gas chambers in the concentration camps (...) only huge kitchens. Already during the war, the Allies began to fabricate false evidence of Nazi crimes. Even today, if we take the thousand richest and most powerful people in the world, we find that a significant proportion of them are Jews. The first laws, defined as Hitler's racial laws, did not restrict the rights of Jews any more than those of blacks in various US states. The British and French did not behave very differently towards their subjects in their colonies. Hitler encouraged them in every way to leave Germany."
"There is no need for a constitution regulating the conduct of the affairs of state. One thing suffices in the National Socialist state: a fanatical will based on faith in the Fuhrer."
"My name is William Calley, I'm a soldier of this land I've tried to do my duty and to gain the upper hand But they`ve made me out a villain they have stamped me with a brand As we go marching on"
"Musicians around the country also came to Calley’s aid and wrote songs in his defense. “Big Bill” Johnson wrote a song called Set Lt. Calley Free, which stated “We’re a sick, sick society, we’ve nailed Lt. Calley to a tree…We Americans are tired of a war that can’t be won, where a soldier is charged with murder if he uses his gun.” Another song by C Company, featuring Terry Nelson, titled The Battle Hymn of Lt. Calley features lyrics like “I’ve seen my buddies ambushed…all the rules are broken…it’s hard to judge the enemy”. The artist also criticised the anti-war movement, claiming that those “marching in the street…were helping our defeat”. Nelson Truehart wrote a song called Morning in My Lai, which asked Americans not to judge Calley because “after all, he’s just fighting for you and me.” While most of the songs were country and performed by southerners, many songs of multiple genres went beyond defending Calley and portrayed him as a scapegoat. Even anti-war songs like Hang Lt. Calley and The Cry of My Lai were more critical of the government than they were Calley."
"C Company featuring Terry Nelson, "The Battle Hymn of Lt. Calley" (1971), Plantation Records, written by Julian Wilson & James M. Smith"
"The whole operation took about 30 minutes, Meadlo said. As for Calley, Meadlo told of an incident a few weeks before Pinkville. “We saw this woman walking across this rice paddy and Calley said, ‘Shoot her,’ so we did. When we got there the girl was alive, had this hole in her side. Calley tried to get someone to shoot her again; I don’t know if he did.” In addition, Calley and Medina had told the men before Pinkville, Meadlo said, “that if we ever shoot any civilians, we should go ahead and plant a hand grenade on them.” Meadlo is not sure, but he thinks the feel of death came quickly to the company once it got to Vietnam. “We were cautious at first, but as soon as the first man was killed, a new feeling came through the company...almost as if we all knew there was going to be a lot more killing.”"
"In November 1970, Lt. William Calley (a Florida native born in 1943) went on trial for his life. He was being court-martialed by the U.S. military for his participation in the My Lai Massacre and was accused of killing twenty-two civilians. Even though twenty-six officers participated and an estimated five hundred South Vietnamese were killed, Calley was the only man tried and convicted. The debate surrounding Calley’s actions intensified after politicians became involved. Georgia governor and future President Jimmy Carter instituted “American Fighting Man’s Day,” and asked Georgians to drive for a week with their headlights on in support of Calley. Alabama governor George Wallace visited Calley in the stockade and personally requested that President Nixon issue a pardon. Edgar Whitcomb, the governor of Indiana at the time, asked that all state flags be flown at half-staff for Calley."
"The time has come to reconsider Lt. William Calley. He may not have been a saint, but he was following orders and certainly was not the only man who killed civilians. While he does not deserve a monument, his actions are important because they raise questions about our military and government. Does the United States only involve itself in just wars? What are the real, long term consequences of Sherman’s march and the total war tactics of The “Civil” War? Will the United States ever stop fighting wars and rebuilding foreign countries? These are just a few major points that make Calley’s story important from a historic perspective."
"In war, the dead people don't cry. The ones who are still alive do."
"We had a Plan, Medina was telling everyone now. And went to a Jeep: and taking a shovel out, he drew in the sand beneath him a map of our operation area. From left to right, this was Mylai Four, Mylai Five, Mylai ix, and Mylai One: or Pinkville, on the China sea. Pinkville now was the VC basecamp, Medina said, but we didn't want to get fired on from behind and we would start at Mylai Four. And continue on to Mylai Five, Mylai Six, and Mylai One. "We mustn't let anyone get behind us," Medina said, as I remember it. "Alpha and Bravo got messed up because they let the VC get behind them. And took heavy casualties and lost their momentum, and it was their downfall. Our job," Medina said, "is to go in rapidly and to neutralize everything. Kill everything." "Captain Medina? Do you mean women and children, too?" "I mean everything.""
"I'm going to go over and get them out of the bunker myself. If the squad opens up on them, shoot 'em."
"It's odd about war crimes. We seem to have tried people only if they've lost the war."
"Recalled to the United States over a year after the events took place, Calley was court-martialed beginning on November 10, 1970. Whatever horror the American public may have felt in learning about the killings, it didn’t initially extend to the man who ordered them. Calley’s conviction — the only one in connection with My Lai — caused a national uproar. President Richard Nixon received 5,000 telegrams on the subject, nearly all them in support of Calley. Meanwhile, a poll conducted by Louis Harris and Associates in April 1971 found that 77 percent of those surveyed thought Calley had been singled out as a scapegoat, and 65 percent disagreed with the conviction. That sentiment was clearly reflected in the music of the day. Brummer reports that from 1969 to 1973, pro-Calley songs outnumber anti-Calley songs 2-1. They justify his actions in a variety of ways: Calley was under attack, Calley was confused, and, perhaps most significantly, Calley was just following orders."
"Convicted for the premeditated murder of 22 civilians, Calley was initially sentenced to life imprisonment. In the end, he was saved from that fate by popular sentiment. Overwhelmed by the public’s demand to “free Calley,” President Nixon had him removed from the army stockade and placed under house arrest. His sentence was reduced twice; on November 9, 1974, less than three years after his conviction, Calley was released on parole. But the Lieutenant’s acclaim seemed to die as quickly as it came. Brummer hasn’t found a single pro-Calley song recorded after 1973; the post-war songs appear to be unanimous in their condemnation. In time, history found new heroes to tell stories about. And so you end up with songs about Hugh Thompson."
"When I reach my final campground in that land beyond the sun And the great commander asks me, 'Did you fight or did you run?' I'll stand both straight and tall stripped of medals, rank and gun And this is what I`ll say: Sir, I followed all my orders and I did the best I could It`s hard to judge the enemy and hard to tell the good Yet there`s not a man among us would not have understood"
"We're a sick, sick, sick society If we don't set Lieutenant Calley free."
"We thought, We will go to Vietnam and be Audie Murphies. Kick in the door, run in the hooch, give it a good burst- kill. And get a big kill ratio in Vietnam. Get a big kill count. One thing at OCS was nobody said, "Now, there will be innocent civilians there." Oh sure, there will in Saigon. In the secure areas, the Vietnamese may be clapping the way the French in the '44 newsreels do, "Yay for America!" But we would be somewhere else: be in VC country. It was drummed into us, "Be sharp! Be on guard! As soon as you think these people won't kill you, ZAP! In combat you haven't friends! You have enemies!" Over and over at OCS we heard this, and I told myself, I'll act as if I'm never secure. As if everyone in Vietnam would do me in. As if everyone's bad."
"Can one credibly talk about fascism in the North American context as we approach the year 2000? Is it even remotely possible that the horrors of Nazi Germany could someday occur in Canada or the United States? When I talk about prefascist personalities, do I seriously propose that many North Americans could act like Hitler, Himmler, Hoess, and so on? [...] although the Nazis did monsterous things, it is a mistake to thing that only ardent fascists and psychopathic killers became Nazis. Adolf Eichmann struck some as a bland person, not particularly anti-Semitic, who basically wanted to advance his career and so worked hard to impress his superiors. His evil was "banal." I can also imagine that many of those who made the arrests and transported the victims to the death camps would have been described as "good, decent people" by their families and neighbors. So would many of those who ran the slave labor camps in which hundreds of thousands of prisoners perished and maybe even the SS soldiers who massacred whole villages. You can be an ordinary Joe, or Lieutenant Calley, and still do terrible things."
"William L Calley Jr., 26 years old, is a mild-mannered, boyish-looking Vietnam combat veteran with the nickname “Rusty:’ The Army is completing an investigation of charges that he deliberately murdered at least 109 Vietnamese civilians in a search-and- destroy mission in March 1968 in a Viet Gong stronghold known as “Pinkville.” Calley has formally been charged with six specifications of mass murder. Each specification cites a number of dead, adding up to the 109 total, and charges that Calley did “with premeditation murder… Oriental human beings, whose names and sex are unknown, by shooting them with a rifle.” The Army calls it murder; Calley, his counsel and others associated with the incident describe it as a case of carrying out orders... One man who took part in the mission with Calley said...We were told to just clear the area. It was a typical combat assault formation. We came in hot, with a cover of artillery in front of us, came down the line and destroyed the village. There are always some civilian casualties in a combat operation. He isn’t guilty of murder.”"
"Everyone said eliminate them. I never met someone who didn't say it. A captain told me, "Goddamn it. I sit with my starlight scope, and I see VC at this village every night. I could go home if I could eliminate it." A colonel: he told me about a general's briefing where the general said, "By god, if you're chasing dead VC and you're chasing them to that village, do it! I'll answer for it! I'll answer for it!" The general was in a rage, saying, "Damn, and I'll lose my stars tomorrow if I tell those politicians who haven't been out of their bathtubs that." Americans would say, It's wrong, if American women fought in Vietnam, but the VC women will do it. And the VC kids: and everyone in our task force knew, We have to drop the bomb sometime. And still people ask me, "What do you have against women?" Damn, I have nothing. I think they're the greatest things since camels. And children: I've nothing against them. "Why did you kill them?" Well damn it! Why did I go to Vietnam? I didn't buy a plane ticket for it. A man in Hawaii gave it to me. "Why did you go? Why didn't you go to jail instead?" Oh, you dumb ass: if I knew it would turn out this way, I would have."
"A village is the last damned place to RON: to remain overnight in. There would be Vietnamese all around us. Old mamasan might come with an AK-47 to show us whose hooch we were really in, with a VC battalion behind her."
"Americans like to think that war is John Wayne. To get a grenade and a VC's throat, to shove the grenade right down it. Americans sit at television sets and say, "One hundred bodies. Boy!" And they think, Great, and they think that I'm the ugly one. I tell you, a hundred bodies still are a hundred people, and if they're dead their guts are just hanging out. And that's pretty horrible: I had once thought, Oh, war is hell. And then I saw war, and I could only sit and cry. And ask, Why did I do it? Why didn't I stand on a corner and say, "It's wrong." Why didn't I burn my draft card, and I wouldn't have had to go? I don't know."
"The fact is that Calley had just been following orders. There had been increasing pressure from commanders for higher kill counts, and his exact orders when entering My Lai were to search and destroy. No American volunteered or was drafted for the purpose of killing civilians. In fact, when Calley and his men first arrived, they tried very hard to win over the South Vietnamese. As time went on, they noticed the locals were purposefully not helping them fight the Vietcong. Soldiers faced violence from men, women, and children of all ages during combat. The Vietcong were also heinously murdering captured soldiers. On one occasion, Calley recalled a soldier who had been captured, skinned alive, and bathed in a salt solution. The next day, they found the man’s skin ripped from his body and strung on a pole, with his penis having also been cut off."
"I know you'll say, "All right: if Medina said to kill everyone in Atlanta, would you?" And someday an Army officer may, the way this country is going now. I say this: if this were a hundred years ago, if I were a Union lieutenant and if Sherman told me, "Kill everyone in Atlanta," I guarantee I would have to. I once got a letter on Mylai saying, "My god! Why are the Yankees upset?" It said in the CIvil War, the Yankees were up against guerrillas, too. All the South's men, women, and children were out to defeat them. A very smart man in Missouri said, "If the Yankees come through here, do whatever you can. And poison the horses, and poison everyone's food. And invite the GIs-" I mean, "And invite the Yankees in, let them sleep with all your daughters, and if they're in the latrine for a pee: then shoot them. Let them believe you and kill them." The same as Vietnam: the people became guerrillas then. And used unconventional warfare: but the North wasn't about to sit in its trenches worrying, Gee, can I feed my horses here? It wasn't about to live afraid, and Sherman said if they wouldn't let the Army be, then there wouldn't be a Southerner left. He ordered his men to burn, to kill, and as soldiers say: to rape, pillage, and plunder the South. And there was no stopping him. The tactic worked. If you're a Yankee, you'll tell me, "Sherman's great," and you'll put a statue of Sherman in Central Park. As for me, I'd hate to see a monument to Calley's March to the Sea. But damn it! Sherman knew the solution to unconventional warfare."
"I don't wish to see anyone hurt: or anyone die for anyone else's sins. Not President Johnson or General Westmoreland or Captain Medina: I don't want to defame anyone to defend myself. I'm sorry about it: sometimes, my attorneys did to Medina what the prosecutor would do to me. "Now, wasn't the real villain in Mylai Captain Medina? And not that poor sweet lieutenant?" But the lieutenant wasn't all so sweet, and the captain was no more villain than any American from the President down. The guilt: as Medina said, we all as American citizens share it. I agree. I don't believe in goats, or pigeons, or patsies. I just don't believe they're in America's interest. For years, we Americans all have taken the easy way out. And been hypocritical fools. And gone around saying, "I'm nice. I'm sweet. I'm innocent." "You starved a thousand people today." "Who me?" "You threw away the scraps from the dinner table." "Aw-" "You killed a thousand people today." "Who me?" "You sent the Army to Mylai and-" "That wasn't me! That was Lieutenant Calley!" No, that isn't right for America. I say if there's guilt, we must suffer it. And learn. And change. And go on. For that is what guilt must be really for."
"It's hard to apologize for murdering so many people. But at least there's an acknowledgment of responsibility."
"The divergent views of Calley as a martyr by some and a murderer by others was reflective of a deeply divided U.S. citizenry, those for the war and those against it. Those who supported the war tended to see it as a means of stopping the spread of atheistic communism and protecting the people of South Vietnam from the oppression of a totalitarian government. Those who opposed it viewed it as variously a no-win war of attrition that was claiming the lives of tens of thousands of America's young men, an immoral war where hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese civilians- ninety percent of whom were women and children- were being killed in bombing raids and through other means by military people from both sides wih callous disregard for the value of human life."
"I'm just another soldier from the shores of U.S.A. Forgotten on a battle field a thousand miles away While life goes on as usual from New York to Santa Fe As we go marching on"
"The gap between those in the U.S. who were for the war and those against it widened as the Calley trial got underway in November of 1970. A hue and cry to "Free Calley" was heard from throngs of people from one side of the nation to the other, with the loudest voices coming from the Southern and Midwestern states. There were bumper stickers on countless cars and trucks, resolutions of support for the accused from half a dozen legislators, letters and telegrams by the boxful being received at the White House and at Calley's quarters at Ft. Benning, where he was under house arrest. A "Rally for Calley" was put on by the American Legion of Columbus, Georgia. A theme song that portrayed him as a martyr and scapegoat, titled "The Battle Hymn of Lt. Calley," could be heard on radio stations throughout the land."
"After all was said and done, in the effort to court-martial those who were responsible for the murder of five hundred and four Vietnamese civilians, and the coverup which followed, only one man was found guilty of anything whatsoever in a court of law."
"The widespread and highly emotional campaign to free Calley brought him a substantial degree of comfort, so much so that he was starting to think he had been acquitted. But a jury of his peers thought otherwise, and, in March of 1971, declared him guilty of murdering twenty-two "Oriental human beings" and sentenced him to life in prison at hard labor. The jury, by and large, regretted having to do it, but the evidence was overwhelming, the crime heinous. Calley seemed stunned. A large percentage of the American public was outraged, angry and loud in expressing disapproval of the verdict. Thompson felt that at least in thise one case justice was finally done, or so it seemed, for now. But President Richard Nixon- who had literally cringed over the idea that U.S. soldiers would be court-martialed in connection with war crimes in Vietnam- stepped in immediately as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces to release Calley from the stockade, pending the approval of his conviction. Calley was placed under house arrest and allowed to live in his bachelor quarters at Ft. Benning. The announcement of the guilty verdict brouht on a convulsion of anger and protest among many U.S. citizens and a flood of emotionally charged letters and telegrams to President Nixon, Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird and other top-ranking government officials."
"Calley was convicted, Nixon had made it easy on him, five hundred and four people were dead in Vietnam, it was a war crime, no one paid for it."
"UK-based researcher Justin Brummer started studying songs of the Vietnam War while preparing his PhD. It soon became his main focus of interest, and today he has catalogued some 5,000 songs, including 91 that specifically reference the massacre. The vast majority of them deal with Lieutenant William Calley, the man who commanded the troops at My Lai and gave the order to kill civilians."
"He just didn't understand it, the captain. Killing people in war's something new? Now what in the hell else is war than killing people? And destroying their homes and their farms and their way of life: that's war! And who in the hell is hurt besides civilians? I sat and I heard the captain talk and I could almost cry: I thought of the thousands of men, thousands of women, thousands of children, thousands of babies slaughtered in Vietnam, the bodies rotting away. The captain didn't seem to know about them. I did: I had been to Vietnam."
"Fifty years after the My Lai Massacre, Americans are still talking — and singing — about it. Back then, people praised the soldier who “followed orders” and condemned the soldier who listened to his own conscience. Today, they do the opposite. New songs shape old memories of an event that seems impossible to come to terms with. “People look back on it from a contemporary perspective and you get songs about a Hugh Thompson,” says Brummer. “They’re trying to correct it.”"
"With our sweat we took the bunkers, with our tears we took the plain With our blood we took the mountains and they gave it back again Still all of us are soldiers, we`re too busy to complain As we go marching on"
"As it happened, the fifth anniversary of the My Lai massacre in Vietnam occurred at the time of the 1973 siege of Wounded Knee. It was difficult to miss the analogy between the 1890 Wounded Knee massacre and My Lai, 1968. Alongside the front-page news and photographs of the Wounded Knee siege that was taking place in real time were features with photos of the scene of mutilation and death at My Lai. Lieutenant William "Rusty" Calley was then serving his twenty-year sentence under house arrest in luxurious officers' quarters at Fort Benning, Georgia, near his hometown. Yet he remained a national hero who received hundreds of support letters weekly, who was lauded by some as a POW being held by the US military. One of Calley's most ardent defenders was Jimmy Carter, then governor of Georgia. In 1974, President Richard Nixon would pardon Calley."
"The question [now] is how long will [Tiso’s] political convictions and especially his conscience as a priest let him march hand in hand with the National Socialist masters. Naturally, he does not like to do it, but is only compelled by circumstances. He is convinced, or at least he hopes, that if he stays in power then he can protect what he can and that, in putting into effect National Socialist methods, it will not come to extreme consequences. Only later will it be possible to judge if he calculated correctly."
"People ask whether what is being done with the Jews is Christian. Is it human? Is it not robbery? ... I ask is it Christian when the nation wants to free itself from its eternal enemy—the Jew? ... Love of self is a command from God, and this love of self commands me to remove ... everything that damages me or that threatens my life. I don't think I need to convince anyone that the Jewish element threatened the lives of Slovaks. ... It would have looked even worse if we hadn't pulled ourselves together in time, if we hadn't purged them from us. And we did so according to divine command: Slovak, cast off your parasite."
"Everyone understands that the Holy See cannot stop Hitler. But who can understand that it does not know how to rein in a priest?"
"It is interesting how this little Catholic priest—Tiso—is sending us the Jews!"
"...We bow to the closest Slav, brother Czech, to apply our sovereignty as a small nation together with him in the common state. We are ready to stand guard over its life and to lay all the sacrifices on its altar. (...) However, we should be aware that our sovereignty is applied within the scope defined by the common agreement, otherwise, we have to apply a principle: a nation is more than a state."
"To tell the truth, one did become used to it... they were cargo. I think it started the day I first saw the Totenlager [extermination area] in Treblinka. I remember Wirth standing there, next to the pits full of black-blue corpses. It had nothing to do with humanity — it could not have. It was a mass — a mass of rotting flesh. Wirth said 'What shall we do with this garbage?' I think unconsciously that started me thinking of them as cargo."
"If only someone had had the courage to kill Christian Wirth — then Aktion Reinhard would have collapsed. Berlin would not have found another man with such energy for evil and nastiness."
"Though it was the most efficient, Auschwitz was not necessarily the cruellest of the Nazi death camps. The first people to be gassed by the Third Reich were, as we have seen, German mental patients; they had been asphyxiated with pure carbon monoxide gas. This method was then exported to Eastern Europe, but using exhaust fumes, first in specially converted vans, then in static gas chambers equipped with large diesel engines. This was how people were killed at Sobibor, Treblinka and Belzec, the camps set up to implement the 'Action Reinhard' in the autumn of 1941. Compared with inhaling Zyklon B, which killed most victims within five to ten minutes, this was a slow way to die. Rudolf Hoess, the commandant of Auschwitz, regarded his own methods as 'humane' compared with those of his counterpart at the last of these camps, the notoriously sadistic Christian Wirth."
Young though he was, his radiant energy produced such an impression of absolute reliability that Hedgewar made him the first sarkaryavah, or general secretary, of the RSS.
- Gopal Mukund Huddar
Largely because of the influence of communists in London, Huddar's conversion into an enthusiastic supporter of the fight against fascism was quick and smooth. The ease with which he crossed from one worldview to another betrays the fact that he had not properly understood the world he had grown in.
Huddar would have been 101 now had he been alive. But then centenaries are not celebrated only to register how old so and so would have been and when. They are usually celebrated to explore how much poorer our lives are without them. Maharashtrian public life is poorer without him. It is poorer for not having made the effort to recall an extraordinary life.
I regret I was not there to listen to Balaji Huddar's speech [...] No matter how many times you listen to him, his speeches are so delightful that you feel like listening to them again and again.
By the time he came out of Franco's prison, Huddar had relinquished many of his old ideas. He displayed a worldview completely different from that of the RSS, even though he continued to remain deferential to Hedgewar and maintained a personal relationship with him.