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April 10, 2026
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"In the tasks in which he consumed his life, Monsignor Luciano always maintained the same way of proceeding, which made him loved and admired by all those who knew him: softly spoken, firm in principles, strong in action. It is thus that we want to remember him."
"The missionary dimension of the Church is the fruit of love for Christ. America has been blessed with ardent missionaries who gave us the Christian faith, and even today they choose the poorest and needy areas."
"Secularization should not scare us, but must be an opportunity for witnessing and proclaiming the Faith. Secularization is a field of evangelization"
"As we live at a hectic pace and often our prayer time takes a back seat, I took the initiative to call on the Brazilian people to unite in prayer."
"The mainstream mediaâs side is money- itâs the same side as the financial markets."
"Journalism always takes a side, whether the journalist chooses to admit it or not."
"[Y]ou'll have people hijacking the Palestinian struggle as a chance for bashing the Jews, like European neo-Nazis who demonstrate against the occupation of Palestinian territories or the Iraq War. Itâs important for the left to keep them apart from the legitimate struggle for the rights of the Palestinians; however, saying that anti-Zionism is antisemitism is a well-known tactic of intellectual dishonesty."
"Throughout my my career â which began in 1990 right when the press became unionized â the themes have generally been social-political issues: police brutality, state terrorism, corruption, political maneuversâŚAnd not just in Brazil, the themes I tackle looking abroad include war, armed conflicts, and torture. Iâve also done a lot about the Brazilian military dictatorship."
"We respect science (the cancellation of New Year's Eve celebrations after Brazil confirmed the first known cases of the Omicron). The (Rio de Janeiro) city's committee says it can go ahead (new year's eve celebrations) and the state's says no. So it can't take place. Let's cancel the official New Year's Eve celebration in Rio."
"I will not be interrupted. I will not put up with interruption from a citizen who comes here and does not know how to listen to the position of an elected woman!"
"I didn't want her to be a flag, a slogan. She is missed and we really miss Mari's joy, strength, bravery, brilliance."
"They took Marielle from us, but they couldn't take away what Marielle means."
"Marielle was the kind of person who was extremely confrontational with the powerful but really respectful with people in weaker positions, like, for example, the cleaning people or service people. She was such a force of nature that when I first met her, I came away a bit shaken, a bit intimidated â and Iâm not someone whoâs easily intimidated."
"From a young age, Marielle stood out from the crowd. She was a natural leader at school, at the church and in the projects she took part in. She was involved in community vegetable gardens, college preparatory courses for the underprivileged and movements against violence, always with the aim of helping others. She believed that collective organization based on solidarity could change the world. Doing things for others made her feel good."
"I think she was becoming a menace. She may have come from the bottom, but she was growing more and more influential. She defended minorities and spoke her mind fearlessly. They wanted to shut her up before she went further."
"It is not by chance that when arriving in the favelas ⌠the police quickly hoist a [Brazilian] flag as a signal of territorial control. That is because these territories are seen ⌠as the enemyâs territory."
"How many more will have to die for this war against the poor to be over?"
"Eu sou porque nĂłs somos (I am because we are)"
"The roses of resistance bloom from asphalt. We receive roses, but we will be with a clenched fist talking about our place of existence against the commands and abuses that affect our lives."
"Before Marielle was killed, not a lot of people knew of her. But now the whole world knows about her, and the truth is that, in death, Marielle was able to touch so many more people than she was when she was alive."
"Politics is to me the harsh fulfilment of duty."
"The long reign of the great Dom Pedro II put Brazil among the leading democratic nations. Americans of today know him well, for you have engraved his noble features upon a postage stamp which comes to the United States with every mail from Brazil. We recall with pleasure that he was the first monarch to visit the United States, when he came to the exposition at Philadelphia in 1876 which marked the centenary of our independence."
"In early half a century ago a little boy was walking with his father and mother in a park of a city in Southern France. Toward them came a distinguished-looking elderly coupleâDom Pedro II and his Empress. That occasion was my first introduction to Brazil. In the years that have passed since that dayâyears measured by the splendid history of the Republic of BrazilâI have had the pleasure of meeting many of your statesmen and of becoming increasingly familiar with the problems which mutually affect our two Nations."
"I swore to the Constitution, but even if I had not sworn to it, it would be to me a second religion."
"If his power were equal to his will, slavery would vanish from the Empire with a single strike."
"I was born to consecrate myself to the languages and sciences, and, if I had to choose between occupying a political position, I would rather be a president or minister to that of an Emperor."
"The threat of is the number one health security concern, are we ready to respond? I fear the answer is no."
"Hydroxychloroquine has been studied as a possible antiviral therapy for many decades. Despite showing evidence of activity against several viruses in the laboratory, it never showed success in randomized clinical trials."
"Brazil is a racist country and a racist societyâŚBut the funny thing is that nobody will admit to being a racist, and that's the problem. Blacks in Brazil are always in an inferior, subaltern position, but you can't find a white person who is a racist."
"The world of the favela today is much more cruel than when I was growing up there or even as I show it in my bookâŚIf I were to write about the way things are today, I would start the book with a pile of rubber tires, gasoline and someone being burned alive."
"These are two different worlds that have no contact with each otherâŚThe elite is ignorant of the favela because it doesn't want to see, and the favela doesn't know the rest of Brazil because it is deprived of the means and the opportunity."
"From the outside, the favela and everyone in it look the same, but there are various strata, and my family was one of those at the top of the pyramidâŚBelow us were the garbage collectors, delivery boys and street vendors who made even less money than we did, and then those who were so poor that they never even left the favela and lived from odd jobs here and there."
"If I propose something distant, you may sayË interesting, but utopian. If I propose something close, you may answerË feasible but trivial. In contemporary efforts to think and talk programmatically, all proposals are made to seem either utopian or trivial. We have lost confidence in our ability to imagine structural change in society, and fall back upon a surrogate standardË a proposal is realistic if it approaches what already exists. It is easy to be a realist if you accept everything."
"We cannot wait until we agree upon the truths of a new social theory to think and act as democratic experimentalists. We must find the ideas our efforts and commitments require, and try to make no assumptions that the facts of social reality and historical experience invalidate."
"The driving force in the world economy is fast becoming a global confederation of productive vanguards. The vanguards established in different parts of the world drive one another forward. They trade with one another. They transfer personnel, technology, and organizational practices among themselves. Above all, they emulate one another."
"We do not live that we may become more godlike. We become more godlike that we may live. We turn to the future to live in the present. The practices by which we invent different futures bring down upon us a storm of impalpable meteors. The risks to which these practices subject us, the commotions, the hurts, the joys, strike and break the coats of armor within which we are all slowly dying. They enable each of us to live in action and in the mind until he dies all at once."
"Philosophy is neither a discipline among others nor the master discipline. It is the imagination at war, exploring what the established methods and discourses do not allow to be thought and said."
"Imagination over dogma, vulnerability over serenity, aspiration over obligation, comedy over tragedy, hope over experience, prophecy over memory, surprise over repetition, the personal over the impersonal, time over eternity, life over everything."
"In Brazil as in the United States, we find two voices of a New World promise of happinessË a promise to raise up human life to the exuberance of nature itself while breaking down the hierarchies and privileges that keep people distant from one another. A society of originals whose enhanced powers and self-possession enable them to accept one another more fully is the aim of this American and Brazilian dream. Translated into another, more universal vocabulary, this longing represents one form of the effort to reconcile a pagan ambition of greatness with a Christian idea of tenderness, purging the former of its impulse toward masterfulness and the latter of its knack for resentment. Thus, empowerment and solidarity can come more fully together."
"[W]e still depend on crisis as the midwife of change, and we must learn to arrange things so that we may depend on it less. Yes, but the particular forms of the advance always remain obscure and controversial. We cannot even agree whether they should occur chiefly at the subnational, national, or supranational levels; whether the ideas that animate them should appear as local heresiesâor as a universalizing heresyâdoctrines, as liberalism and socialism were in their day that convey a message to all humanity; and how we should understand and practice the relation between change of institutions and changes of consciousness. Because the forms of change are obscure and controversial, they will continue to give rise to conflict and even to war. They will be dangerous. Yes, but all of this will take place, or fail to take place, in the long time of history, not in the short time of biography. We cannot wait; we must find a solution for ourselves nowË a way of foreshadowing in life as we can now live it that which the species has yet collectively failed to achieve."
"We can, we must, jumble up the categories of reform and revolution, preferring change that, though perforce piecemeal, may, in its cumulative effect, become revolutionary."
"I ask myself in this bookË on what assumptions about the world and the mind, the self and society, do these beliefsâmere translations and developments of a creed that has already taken over the world and set it on fireâcontinue to make sense? Within what larger combination of ideas can we ground, develop, and correct them?"
"From negative capability, embodied in institutions, practices, and modes of consciousness, a wealth of practical competitive advantages result. However, negative capability is not merely a source of such advantages; it is a direct manifestation of our godlike power to outreach the established settings of action and thought and to split the difference between being inside a framework and being outside it. History, we may suppose, selects for this advantage more powerfully and above all more quickly than any form of natural competition for reproductive success, at the level of the species, the organism, or the genotype, can exert selective influence. Negative capability is power to the mind in its least modular and computable aspectsË mind-making continued through politics."
"The vitality of the individual ... depends on his success in fashioning a character resistant to the narrowing of experience, to the rigidity of response, and to the consequent constriction of possibility that surrender to a hardened version of what the self implies. "He was so extremely natural," said Santayana of William James, "that there was no way of telling what his nature was, or what came next." It is an observation that states an ideal, suitable to the ambitions of personality under democracy. The point is not to make war against habit or to make war against one self. It is to fashion a style of existence, a mode of the self, in which we lower our defenses enough to strengthen our readiness for the new, our attachment to life, and our love of the world."
"If society is organized to insulate its own arrangements from challenged and change, and thus to give itself the semblance of a natural object or an alien fate, the noncomputable and the nonmodular aspects of the mind will remain no more than a penumbral light around the darkness of computability and modularity. However, as society acquires the features of democratic experimentalism, those aspects become central to the life of the mind. The hold of the innate mental faculty on our experience gets turbinated by a political construction."
"We shall melt down, under the heat of repeated pressure and challenge, all fixed orders of social division and hierarchy, and prevent them from working as the inescapable grid within which our practical and passionate relations to one another must develop."
"The struggle for counterfactual insightâthe attempt to see what things might become along a periphery of possible next steps around how things are nowâpresents us with what at first seems to be a conundrum of the understanding.... If we cannot close the configuration space of the possible states of affairs and bring them all under the regime of a closed and timeless set of laws, we cannot be sure that we shall be able to fight our way back from our flight of causal inquiry to the recovery of the phenomenal world in its visionary immediacy. We shall be unhappy because our consciousness of the world will remain divided between the poetry of experience and the science of nature.... There is an aspect of our mental life in which we enjoy such a reconciliation. However, its presence there instead of reassuring us ought to arouse and disturb us all the more. It should do so both by suggesting what we lack in the remainder of our conscious experience and by implying that the reconciliation is a mirage, never to be grasped. Dreams regularly join two features, the combination of which eludes us in our waking livesË counterfactual insight and visionary immediacy."
"It may seem strange that there can be a structure for breaking all structures and that it can have a precise, limited form, and be built to particular specifications. Yet we have two major examples of such a structure in our experience. One is the mind as imagination. The other is society, progressively recast on the model of the imaginationË organized to shorten the distance between our context-preserving and context-transforming activities and to diminish the dependence of transformation on crisis."
"There is one type of functional advantage that enjoys in this dark struggle unique status and deserves special attention. As the force of path dependency in history wanes, and as different forms of life and consciousness get more jumbled together, this force gains in importance. It is negative capabilityË the power to act nonformulaically, in defiance of what rules and routines would predict, a power that may be inspired and strengthened, or discouraged and weakened, by our arrangements and practices as well as by our ways of thinking and feeling."
"Democratic experimentalism sees the core of the good of human liberation in a softening of the tension between two great competing demands upon our vitality and greatnessË the need to engage in group life and the need to diminish the price, in subjugation and loss of self-identity, that we regularly pay for such engagement."
Young though he was, his radiant energy produced such an impression of absolute reliability that Hedgewar made him the first sarkaryavah, or general secretary, of the RSS.
- Gopal Mukund Huddar
Largely because of the influence of communists in London, Huddar's conversion into an enthusiastic supporter of the fight against fascism was quick and smooth. The ease with which he crossed from one worldview to another betrays the fact that he had not properly understood the world he had grown in.
Huddar would have been 101 now had he been alive. But then centenaries are not celebrated only to register how old so and so would have been and when. They are usually celebrated to explore how much poorer our lives are without them. Maharashtrian public life is poorer without him. It is poorer for not having made the effort to recall an extraordinary life.
I regret I was not there to listen to Balaji Huddar's speech [...] No matter how many times you listen to him, his speeches are so delightful that you feel like listening to them again and again.
By the time he came out of Franco's prison, Huddar had relinquished many of his old ideas. He displayed a worldview completely different from that of the RSS, even though he continued to remain deferential to Hedgewar and maintained a personal relationship with him.