lawyers-from-italy

"The age of globalization offers opportunities and knowledge, but at the same time carries with it the risk of new forms of marginalization—a risk that cannot be ignored or underestimated, starting with the real economy and starting with the workplace."

"Please forgive my emotion, but for me, the decision you have made to elect a woman to the Presidency of this Assembly for the first time represents a responsibility that I cannot hide behind any formal preamble."

"(About the Cirinnà Bill of Law) These problems are the result of a devious political strategy. In words, they said they wanted to create a new legal entity, a union between people of the same sex; in practice, they mimicked traditional marriage to the point of creating a hybrid."

"Despite the debate over the different roles that will be defined in the next stages of the institutional framework, all the political parties represent the community as a whole."

"We believe that, when technologies cause psychosocial harm linked to the loss of the unborn child's genetic parental identity, this is not progress but regression, a form of barbarism. This is the case with assisted reproduction, which creates an unacceptable disconnect between social parentage and biological parentage – a rift between genetic parentage, gestational parentage and educational responsibility– with inevitable and irreparable psychological harm to the unborn child. Nor should it be claimed, as has been said many times, that the concept of parenthood is evolving today towards new horizons, because parents' horizons are different from those of their child, especially when we consider that the couple today is increasingly unstable and therefore in need of well-considered and, so to speak, 'orthodox' choices. You only have to look at the statistics to see the alarming figures. Nor should we accept the provocative claim, which I often hear repeated here and in public debates, that Italy is full of 'children of assisted reproduction' because they are the result of a woman's relationship with the milkman on duty. We believe that, when science is called upon to make up for nature's shortcomings, we should not imitate nature's excesses and degenerations, but rather preserve as natural a character as possible for the parental role, thereby avoiding the chaos of socially unprecedented and hard-to-define figures."

"(About the debate between a hard line and negotiation during the Moro case) There is no need to divide ourselves into hawks and doves; there is no need to misrepresent the spirit of renunciation and submission as warm humanitarianism, or, as cold statism, the basic requirement of not compromising on inalienable rights and duties, such as the duty to deliver justice and ensure the equality of citizens before the law."

"This ruling [on the unconstitutionality of the Pecorella Law] could reopen trials already before the Court of Cassation, and the decisive factor will once again be not the oral and public trial in the first instance, but the appeal based on written documents."

"The liberals are in the government, but Forza Italia is controlled by the Christian Democrats, the Socialists, the Communists, and former Fininvest employees."

"The part of the Supreme Court’s ruling regarding the statute of limitations is different. The Court of Appeals’ ruling stated, “Before 1980, there were ties to the Mafia; after that, there were not.” The Supreme Court’s ruling—which is the final instance, and which no one wants to examine—states that, regarding the period prior to 1980, there are two alternative truths: the possibility that he (Giulio Andreotti) either had ties to the Mafia or did not. There is a situation of doubt, but it makes no sense to go back and determine which of the two alternative truths applies, because the statute of limitations has expired. So it remains a matter of doubt. Quite different from the appellate ruling."

"[About Giuseppe Graviano’s statements] After 26 uninterrupted years of imprisonment, Mr. Graviano suddenly makes statements clearly aimed at obtaining procedural or prison benefits by inventing meetings, figures, and episodes that are implausible and untrue. One can, among other things, perfectly understand the deep animosity toward President Berlusconi for all the laws enacted by his governments specifically against the Mafia. Obviously, all appropriate legal actions will be taken before the judicial authorities."

"It’s true, laws were enacted to serve specific trials. We passed the Schifani ruling—later declared unconstitutional, and in fact it was unconstitutional in some respects—to allow Berlusconi to govern (October 9, 2004)"

"Once the [PSI] party was dissolved, some became Muslims, some Jews, some Catholics. But we have always remained socialists."

"In any case, I did not propose the decree [the so-called Biondi Decree]; it was Berlusconi."

"I worked for years for Berlusconi; I know his strategies. When I was his legal advisor and he asked me to draft laws that would protect him from the magistrates, he certainly made no secret of their ad personam purpose. And I drafted them even better than Ghedini and Pecorella do now. The one on legitimate suspicion—I think it was 2002—he needed to move his trials from Milan to Rome. He asked us for it openly, and we, faithful executors of the prince’s will, set about writing it. And we did a pretty good job, I must say: everything seemed in order. Then one evening in late October, around 11 p.m., a call came from Ciampi. I told Berlusconi that with that amendment, it wouldn’t serve any purpose anymore. He thought about it for a moment and then replied: “Let’s do it this way for now, and we’ll see.” I was right: in fact, the law passed with those amendments and was of no use to him."

"Angelino is intelligent, has depth and culture, but these qualities must translate into the ability to say no even to Berlusconi."

"It is no coincidence that the lawyer defending Zappadu is a member of the European Parliament from Antonio Di Pietro's Italia dei Valori party. He wears two hats—lawyer and parliamentarian—that should not be confused. I mean: if the victim is the Prime Minister and the defendant is being defended by a member of an opposition party... well... it’s as if I were to bring a civil action in any trial against, say, D’Alema, Fassino, or Prodi."

"I once saw it on TV—there was Previti, Ferrara, and Ignazio La Russa; oh, I thought it was an episode of Star Trek."

"Even if this girl’s allegations were true—and they are not—the Prime Minister would, according to the reconstruction, be the end user and therefore never criminally liable."

"[About a wiretap of Giuseppe Graviano] No one has shown us this conversation. If it existed, we would have to listen to it to verify Graviano’s actual words. In any case, he knew he was being recorded and might have misled them. I am not aware of any meeting between Berlusconi and Graviano or anyone directly or indirectly linked to him. Much less with a well-known cousin of him."

"I don’t like going there (to AnnoZero) to play that role, and I don’t like that ring where they call you on just because they want to tear you apart. I go—it's my duty—but I feel the breath of hatred, and in some way I feed it too, of course.[10]"

"Berlusconi has great respect for women and no inclination to pay a woman to have a relationship with him."

"You see, not everything is the result of political cunning. There are also moves dictated by pride and a sense of honor. And why on earth [...] shouldn’t Berlusconi be able to explain to twenty million Italians—his loyal voters—that he is perfectly capable?"

"I never held any major positions in the PSI, but I had the honor of being a friend of Craxi."

"In the courtroom, you often have to improvise. The better prepared you are, the better you are at improvising."

"I’ll miss politics, but it’s no tragedy. I’m going back to my studies, to medieval philosophy."

"I will miss certain moments. I, who had been in the PSI until the public prosecutor’s office dissolved it in ’92, remember well the months spent at the Ministry of Justice: together with Minister Biondi, we were the protagonists of the failed—though noble—attempt to bring the justice system back on track."

"[About the Telekom Serbia case] I confess: I am the puppet master behind this whole affair. I am turning myself in for complicity in slander with Paoletti, Marini, and Pintus. [I] have created difficulties for Forza Italia and Berlusconi. [It is therefore right] that I withdraw from political life. I have made a grave mistake, and this is an open confession; it is right that I make a public apology; I acknowledge that Repubblica is staffed by first-rate journalists. I am making a serious announcement: I will resign as a member of parliament in the coming days. Through the various schemes outlined by Repubblica and my ties to figures such as D’Andria, Fracassi, Di Bari, and even Francesco Pazienza—all linked in the public imagination to rogue intelligence agencies and international fraud and money laundering—I succeeded in making the Telekom Serbia Commission the target of a poisoned chalice. I take full responsibility for the individuals who, by implicating Prodi, Dini, and Fassino, have seriously slandered them; and I accuse myself of complicity in slander, though I hope Repubblica does the same, because while I accuse myself, I would like to know from D’Avanzo and Bonini who their puppet masters were at the time and whom they now serve. Repubblica is right, I cannot sue!"

"There are many things I did during that period that I would never do again. I have no qualms about saying that I went through a moral crisis, which culminated when I saw how the Cavaliere's inner circle was taking shape."

"(About the deaths of Ilaria Alpi and Miran Hrovatin) They were on vacation in Somalia; they were not conducting any investigation: the Commission has established this (January 2004)."

"(About the case of Eluana Englaro) A genuine murder has taken place. [Even] Parliament itself has been taken for a ride. My complaint would have been for attempted murder; now it will be different—namely, premeditated murder. And it will be filed against the girl’s father Beppino Englaro, against the doctors who treated her, and also against the Public Prosecutor of Udine for abuse of office or for whatever crimes may be identified. As for the prosecutor in Udine, who has been completely inactive, I will request the intervention of the Public Prosecutor’s Office in Milan, which has jurisdiction over crimes committed by the judges in Udine. This barbaric murder, this attack on life, must be punished and brought to justice."

"The Lega aspires to a fragmented, quasi-feudal world of city-states, and yearns for a sort of autarky: with a “yes” to polenta and a “no” to pineapple, as if this were a problem of the future..."

"Filippo Carobbio’s defense strategy is clear: to downplay his crime as a mere transgression, thereby avoiding a dangerous criminal conspiracy charge. This is why Carobbio accuses Conte; this is why he tries to downplay his own role in the soccer betting scandal. For the Disciplinary Commission, Carobbio is a witness of absolute credibility; Carobbio is divine, one and triune—a mythologization that struck me but is by no means accidental, because the judges used the famous “ping-pong” cross-examination technique on him."

"The watchword is disparity. [..] We must aim to have much more than men if we truly want to make up for what we’ve lacked so far. Centuries of discrimination, abuse, unfavorable laws. I consider it compensation for everything we’ve been through."

"Previti is something of a Lombrosian symbol of the Italian political system's ills. He is the person most responsible for the situation in Italy, second only to Berlusconi."

"Previti sued me for a billion because I compared him to a Rottweiler. It should be the Rottweiler Association suing for a billion because I compared them to Previti."

"Criminals judge judges. We want to be judged by whoever we choose. Previti wants to be judged by a judge who thinks like him. But if the judge thought like Previti, he wouldn’t be a judge—he’d be a criminal."

"Previti can’t be judged because he’s a defendant, but also a member of parliament. But if I saw him near my car, I’d call the police."

"I believe I have made my opinion of Mr. Previti clear in terms so explicit that they may seem—to more than a few—brutal: a man who, just by looking at his face, makes you want to slap handcuffs on him before you even know who he is or what he has done."

"Ciancimino’s statements regarding Milano Due are completely devoid of any factual basis or logic, and can be refuted with documentation at any time. All financial flows related to Milano 2—a real estate project that even today is considered one of the finest achievements in our country—are more than transparent and have repeatedly been subject to thorough audits and verifications. [...] All findings have demonstrated the entirely lawful origin of all the money used.[7]"

"The law is the same for everyone, but its application is not necessarily so."

"Santoro is a great professional; I appreciate him; he’s someone who does his job very well. He may well be biased, but he does so clearly. He doesn’t deceive the viewer. Interviewer: Did you enjoy going there, Ghedini? Ghedini: It was an exhausting battle, but a good one. I preferred it to so many self-righteous shows."

"Santoro gets on my nerves because he’s fighting a friend of mine. But I appreciate his professionalism. He’s biased, but in an open way. Interviewer: Do you prefer Vespa or Santoro? Ghedini: I have more fun on Santoro’s show."

"The situation is laughable: President Berlusconi, who works around the clock, is a man of great wealth, charm, and zest for life... He certainly doesn’t need anyone to bring him women."

"To think that Berlusconi needs to pay a girl 2,000 euros just to go out with him seems a bit much to me. I think he could have plenty of them, for free."

"This time we took action purely as a matter of principle. A newspaper—namely *L'Unità*—cannot write that a person is impotent or a pig without expecting the accused person to take offense and react."

"Berlusconi is ready to go to court to explain that not only is he not a big pig, but he isn’t impotent either."

"Don’t ask yourself why this misfortune has befallen you specifically, or you’ll go mad. Get it into your head that it’s a total loss."

"(Regarding the secret dossier on Ilaria Alpi) I have absolutely no recollection of having given that document to the then-Chief of Police, and I certainly did not grant any investigative authority to Gianni De Gennaro."

"You come out of a criminal trial with at least a nervous tic."

"Se vinciamo, stavolta non faremo prigionieri."