20th-century-riots

"In November 1969, Bengali versus non-Bengali riots broke out in Dhaka. The traditional trouble spots, Mirpur and Muhammadpur- predominantly Bihari areas-had been the scenes of police firing. Later, the army was called in and the police withdrawn. The army was made up entirely of West Pakistanis while the police was East Pakistani. This caused much resentment and distrust amongst the Bengali police hierarchy and bureaucracy, and made yet another dent in the facade of martial law. Curfew had to be imposed despite the martial law as local and non-local feelings were aroused."

"৬৯ সালে বিহারিরা আমগো মারছে। বোম মাইরা, আগুন লাগাইয়া দিত। আমরা বাঙালি পরিবার যে দিকে থাকতাম, ওই দিকে নির্যাতন করত। এখন যেইডা আসাদ এভিনিউ, ওইটা আইয়ূব এভিনিউ ছিল। ওইখান দিয়া পাকিস্তানি গাড়ি যাইত। আমরা পাকিস্তানিগো হারিকেন দিয়া সিগন্যাল দিতাম, আমগো বাঁচান। হ্যারা আমরা না বাঁচাইয়া, উল্টা আমগো দিকে গুলি করত। তখন আমগো তিনজন মারা গেছিল।"

"খসরু, মন্টু ও সেলিমের ১৪ বছরের সশ্রম কারাদণ্ড হয়। শেখ মুজিব তাদের বাচানাের যথেষ্ট চেষ্টা করেছিলেন। তিনি এত দূর পর্যন্ত বলেছিলেন, যে তারিখে এ ঘটনা ঘটে সেই দিন অভিযুক্ত ব্যক্তিরা তাঁর সঙ্গে ছিলেন। এমনকি গভর্নর আহসানও তাদের সঙ্গে ছিলেন। তারা তখন বাঙালি-বিহারি দাঙ্গা উপদ্রুত ঢাকার মােহাম্মদপুর এলাকা সফর করছিলেন।"

"This riot was the tip of an iceberg, and the first manifestation of the latent antagonism between Bengalis and non-local Urdu-speaking people. This reached unprecedented heights during the 1971 War of Independence."

"In fact, 1967 was the best-ever performance by the Bharatiya Jan Sangh before it merged with the Janata Party. What could have led to this sudden spurt of support for Sanghis? In all probability, it was the 1966 police firing at sadhus and other Hindu activists who were protesting outside the Parliament in Delhi to demand a blanket ban on cow slaughter. While the official records of those killed is very low, the popular claims of those killed range between few hundreds to even thousands. Whatever be the real numbers, the fact that it led to the feeling of ‘Hindus under attack’ among a segment of people, in all probability helped the Jan Sangh in the ensuing elections. Firing on kar sevaks at Ayodhya similarly helped the BJP in the 1991 Lok Sabha elections."

"By the way, right at that time Birmingham had exploded, and the Negroes in Birmingham—remember, they also exploded. They began to stab the crackers in the back and bust them up 'side their head—yes, they did. That's when Kennedy sent in the troops, down in Birmingham. So, and right after that, Kennedy got on the television and said "this is a moral issue.""

"President Kennedy did not send troops to Alabama when dogs were biting black babies. He waited three weeks until the situation exploded. He then sent troops after the Negroes had demonstrated their ability to defend themselves. In his talk with Alabama editors Kennedy did not urge that Negroes be treated right because it is the right thing to do. Instead, he said that if the Negroes aren't well treated the Muslims would become a threat. He urged a change not because it is right but because the world is watching this country. Kennedy is wrong because his motivation is wrong."

"The eruption in Birmingham, Alabama, in the spring of 1963 showed how quickly anger can develop into violence. Black people were angry about the killing of and Charles Mack Parker; the failure of federal, state and city governments to deal honestly with the problems of ghetto life. Now they read in the newspapers, saw on television and watched from the street corners themselves the police dogs and the fire hoses and the policemen beating their friends and relatives. They watched as young high-school students and women were beaten, as Martin Luther King and his co-workers were marched off to jail. The spark was ignited when a black-owned motel in Birmingham and the home of Dr. King’s brother were bombed. This incident brought hundreds of angry black people into the street throwing rocks and bottles and sniping at policemen. The echoes were far and wide."

"Over 2,500,000 refugees have so far entered West Bengal by air river and land routes since the disturbances started in East Pakistan on December 19 , 1949 ...."

"In his book , Genocide Of Hindus Of Hindus & Buddhists in East Pakistan Bangladesh , Mr. Roy writes : “ Fanatic Mullahs spread a belief that any one who can convert or kill a Hindu boy or who can rape a Hindu woman , will go to Heaven ."

"An eyewitness account of the gruesome murders of the gruesome murders of the Hindu passengers in trains is provided by a passenger who escaped by jumping from a window. When the train arrived at Bhaira Bazar at 10 p.m. all the Hindu passengers were forced to detrain by uniformed Ansars, Later in the night they were put into separate compartments marked for them. After the train had started about half a dozen men who had apparently been hanging on the doorhandles got into the compartments occupied by the Hindus. The killers then locked the doors. The windows were mostly shut down They demanded the passengers to hand over to them all they had. Then they started to attack the passengers with knives. A baby was snatched away from a woman passenger and killed and ultimately the woman was also killed. The wails in the compartment soon died down. When the train stopped over the Bhairab bridge, the bodies were thrown into the river,"

"Pakistan armed and police forces recently burnt, destroyed and looted several Hindu villages in Khulna , Barisal and Rajshahi rendering 50,000 unarmed men , women and children destitute and homeless . Many were killed and pregnant women raped in presence of husbands . Young girls ravished in presence of parents .There has been large scale abduction of women and forcible conversion . Month - old babies snatched away from panic stricken feeding mothers and thrown in the river ."

"There was not an inch of space to spare in West Bengal for the refugees from East Bengal."

"The tale of suffering and anguish that comes from East Bengal beggars description . More galling to a self - respecting and spirited people is the treatment meted out to women."

"News of widespread disturbances, loot, murder and arson in some villages of Rajshahi district have been received in Maldah.... After a month since the atrocities had been committed on the Santals, disturbances again started on February 28 last. Since then, hundreds of Hindus of all classes began to cross the border into Maldah district in the Indian Union. During their journey, these people have been subjected to all sorts of harassment ; their womenfolk especially suffered great indignities at the hands of Muslims . The Ansars are snatching away whatever these unfortunate people have with them. A month back, nearly 800 Santals fled away from Nachole Police Station.But since February 28 , the exodus has been continuous . This exodus is due to the forcible occupation of Hindu houses, constant intimidation , molestation of Hindu women . In some cases Bihari Muslims forcibly ejected the Hindus from their houses and occupied them..."

"When the train entered into Mymensingh district crossing the river, it was surrounded on the bridge, The driver of the engine stopped it purposely. The murderers attacked the passengers from both sides of the bridge. Those who dived into the river for safety and tried to swim ashore were drowned, being hit on the head by brick batting. According to Pierre about 2000 Hindus were killed this way.”"

"From afternoon one up to six o'clock p.m. moving about through Nawabpur, Sadarghat, Patuatuli,Islampur, Digbazar English Road Bangshal, Chowk etc., I observed the destruction and loss inflicted by Muslims on Hindus. ... Refugees, especially Biharis (Muslims), are responsible for this trouble. Local people, though not against it, but were indifferent. Til nightfall, looting, arson and killing went on undeterred, Police did nothing to stop this. Non-Bengali police encouraged it. Total administrative system played the role of a spectator."

"In the month of January 1950 a Police Officer along with a few constables and Santal (Tribals) peasants were killed in a clash in Nachole in Rajshahi district in connection with Tebbaga Andolan (three-parts movement, for allotting two-thirds of land produce to the tenant, one third to the owner]. Immediately after that, Armed Police and army operation was stated there. Village after village was indiscriminately burnt down, peasants were beaten and tortured mercilessly. They created a reign of terror by free looting, and raping of the Santal women went at will. 24 Santal peasants succumbed to death due to police torture inside Nachole Police Station, Innumerable peasants were killed in Nawabganj and Rajshahi Jails. One of the notable leaders of the movement, Ila Mitra, was brutally tortured in various ways including rape. The pervasive and multi-directional torturing compelled several Santal peasants to emigrate to West Bengal."

"With great difficulty I have crossed the border. Several attempts were made to murder me and other newspaper correspondents. My younger Brother, Dr. Dhirendra Kumar Dutta was stabbed to death, We have left behind everything."

"The second phase of the riot started from the 13th afternoon (the first disturbances occurred on February 2) and Natunbazar was attacked. The following mahallas... were attacked and looted, houses were burnt. Among persons killed were influential men such Gurudas Kar and others. The destruction of Hindu houses in those mahallas has been complete. ... villages predominantly inhabited by Hindus... were attacked. ...Harendra Kar's daughter Mila Kar aged 19 was forcibly married to Sultan Mian, civil supply contractor, after her father grandfather and brother were slaughtered. There are other reports of abductions. This state of things continued from Feb.13 to Feb. 23 with a relapse of one day on February 22."

"Reporters in Bangladesh said Moslems set fire to more than 25 Hindu-owned shops and smashed idols at three temples in the town of Narsinghdi, 25 miles northeast of Dhaka. No injuries were reported. ″This step is a willful desecration of an Islamic holy place and arouses the deepest resentment among Moslems all over the world,″ Ms. Bhutto said. She said it was Pakistan’s policy not to interfere in other countries’ internal affairs but added the temple was a matter ″of deepest concern for Moslems both inside and outside India.″"

"Utter lawlessnes prevailed in the city. Policemen went round in trucks asking Hindu shop-keepers to close Hindu shops and homes were looted and burnt, while their temples and ashrams were plundered. Armed Ansars and some policemen were in evidence everywhere. Property worth four to five crores of rupees was destroyed or looted, Hindu homes, shops, temples and ashrams were looted in other areas of Dacca city especially in Lalbagh, Nawaganj, Islampur and Armenittolla. The East Bengal Government gave the figure of Hindus murdered during three days of holocaust of the Hindus in Dacca as 200, while even the figure of 600 to 1000 given by Pandit Nehru was low. Narayanganj: A large number of Hindu passengers — exact figure unascertainable — waiting to catch a steamer were done to death and thrown into the river... Women in the house raised an alarm against police high-handedness (it was established that the police had tried to rape the women). Nine men responded to their alarm and clashed with the police. One policeman died.... Two days later, a party of policemen... arrived on the spot and assisted by Ansars and Muslim mobs started large scale looting of the houses in the village: Most of the villagers of Kalshira were Scheduled Caste Hindus. The trouble soon spread to several other neighbouring villages... the whole of Bageerhat sub-division went through a reign of terror... others were unable to escape because of a steel ring thrown around the villages by the local police and the Ansars."

"The Bengali-language newspaper, the Sangbad, said about 500 Moslems hurled stones at Hindu-owned shops on Friday in Khulna, 85 miles southwest of Dhaka. It said at least 50 people were injured. The protestors from a fundamentalist group called Council of Priests also attacked the offices of the secular Awami League Party after a rally in the town park, the independent daily said. Bangladesh, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Pakistan protested to India after a Hindu group laid the foundation stone Nov. 9 for the temple of god Ram at Ayodhya. The group has agreed to postpone the construction until next year. On Nov. 11, Moslem mobs angry over the planned temple damaged three Hindu temples and burned at least 25 Hindu shops in Narsinghdi in eastern Bangladesh."

"In 1950 , nearly half a million Hindus were slaughtered in East Pakistan and this led to another exodus of 4 1/2 million Hindus ...The suffering of the Hindus in 1950 is comparable only to the experience of the Jews in Nazi Germany .... Next came one of the biggest genocides in recorded history . In 1971 , three million Bengalis were butchered ... In 1971 , three million Bengalis were butchered , and two hundred thousand women were raped and murdered ...."

"Behind Pakistan's ' Iron Curtain ' in East Bengal ! I wouldn't like to think of it , for it is a tale of horror , hatred and hysteria , a tale of human degradation . Horror is written large on the face of every non - Muslim in East Bengal. . It is not the type of horror associated with war-time conditions among civilised people , but horror of the jungle , of man turned beast . I can think of “behind the iron curtain" only in terms of a mad house, a vast prison, the workshop of Satan - or a combination of all three.... What has happened in East Bengal was organised political ‘pogrom’, similar to those resorted to by Nazis. That the police officials have had a great hand in these events have been conclusively proved. ‘There is no getting away from the fact that the lead was shown by official quarters which gave a free hand to armed miscreants of the majority community who held sway over different parts of East Bengal for a few days, completely dislocating the edifice of law and order in the province. Consequently, the members of the minority communities who were the sufferers. to-day wail under the shadow of a great tragedy with their faith in law and order rudely shaken and their confidence lost. “Whatever be the cause adduced to these events by official quarters, the fact remains that throughout the State, it was the minorities who were killed. It was their homes which were looted and burnt, it was their temples and ashrams desecrated and plundered. It was their women who were abducted and ravished and it was they who underwent threats of forcible conversion or extinction. The reasons are not far to seek, Consistent anti-Indian and anti-Hindu propaganda by Ministers and Muslim leaders, persistently carried on since partition, created a feeling of hatred in the minds of even the lowest strata of Muslims against the minorities. What has happened is not a sudden outburst of communal frenzy, but a logical result of the policy followed by the East Bengal Government. Distrust of Hindus was sedulously preached both from the press and platform. Even responsible ministers have expressed their distrust of Hindus in their utterancess both in"

"The Muslim League, which destroyed the unity of India, is now determined to destroy the very existence of India and of Hinduism. It should be now clear to the meanest political intellect what the game is. Pakistan wants to rid its territories of the Hindu minority anyhow. For this it utilises all opportunities and every sort of machinery, Governmental and non-Governmental. I have no doubt that the periodical riots in Pakistan are carefully staged by the ruling coterie there. The atmosphere is created by propaganda of hate, Having engineered the riot, the same coterie in the Government refuses to take action or takes only nominal action against the perpetrators of barbaric atrocities on the defenseless minority."

"On 7 January, mobs of Muslims in the Muslims areas named above fanned the streets and caught passers-by on the busy roads. Those suspected to be Hindus were made to remove their pants, and if they were found to be uncircumcised, they were stabbed to death. The police were under strict instructions from the state government not to shoot at Muslim mobs. The main area of this activity was in the Muslim heartland in south Mumbai."

"[from December 7 onwards] “large mobs of Muslims came on the streets and there was recourse taken to violence without doubt.” [in Nirmal Nagar jurisdiction] “a Ganesh idol in the Ganesh Mandir on Anant Kanekar Marg was found decapitated and moved out from its place of installation and eleven temples in different jurisdictions were damaged, demolished or set on fire.”"

"In the 1995 report on the Mumbai riots, HRW sought to place the blame for the violent events exclusively on the Hindu community and completely ignored the role of Muslim communalism in the riots. This should be compared with a more objective report on the occurrences by the Srikrishna Commission. There was not a single eyewitness account of attacks on Hindus in the HRW report even though Hindus had also suffered many casualties! ....In April 1996, HRW released another report on the Mumbai riots titled, “Communal Violence and the Denial of Justice.” This report repeats the things discussed in the first report, albeit in much more detail. As in the first report, exclusive blame for the violence is placed on the Hindu community and the Shiv Sena, Muslims are exonerated of all blame, and a biased analysis of encounters between Muslims and the police is presented. What is ironic about this report is that it was written as a response to Chief Minister Manohar Joshi’s decision to terminate the Srikrishna inquiry. The purpose of this report is to encourage the continuation of the inquiry and the implementation of its recommendations. Yet, despite the fact that the Srikrishna Report notes that roughly one-third of those killed in the riots were Hindus, there is not a single mention in the HRW report of any attack against Hindus! In addition, every single one of HRW’s eighteen eyewitness accounts describes attacks on Muslims,and none describe attacks on Hindus. From reading HRW’s report, one would be surprised to find that any Hindus suffered from the violence. HRW even uses testimony from a Muslim man “who participated in a demonstration,” (not exactly the most objective of sources) claiming that Shiv Sena members attacked the demonstrators. Just imagine HRW using testimony from Hindu “demonstrators” or “activists.”"

"The Times of India has succeeded in its Goebbelsian design: the world has never heard about the Muslim initiative in the Bombay riots, and even well-meaning people.. think of them as a "pogrom", inflicted without provocation by mean and hateful Hindus on the unsuspecting Muslim minority… The outside world has never heard this account of the January riots because the decisive news channels… have chosen to black out all reference to the Muslim initiative… Following Press Council rules, the paper did not mention which community was on the attack and which one on the defensive, until three days later, when the Shiv Sena started its retaliation. From that point onwards, the first three days, when Muslims were on the attack… were kept out of view, but the details of subsequent Shiv Sena-led Hindu violence against Muslims were reported in full."

"In the later controversy over the Srikrishna Commission's report on the Bombay riots, an admittedly biased report written under instructions of the then ruling Congress Party and shamelessly whitewashing Muslim violence all while putting the Hindu side in the dock, the Shiv Sena tried to wimp out by ordering the discontinuation of the Srikrishna inquest and by denying its allegations. The one-person Srikrishna Commission was mandated by the Congressite government... The report produced by Justice Srikirhsna only proved the suspicions of bias which had led the state government to dismiss it."

"Never do anything in a hurry. The resolution of Zafarali Khan is really better than yours. You have meant well but you have done badly. Your resolution reads as if Hindus richly deserved what they got. You state as facts that provocation was from Hindus, that violence too was commenced by them. You state that the Hindu suffering was great, (but) the Hindus were not the only ones to suffer, meaning thereby that both suffered almost equally or if not equally, certainly not so much as to call for any special mention. The resolution, after recording its emphatic findings on the main facts, asks the public to suspend its judgment on the details of the allegations of the Government. Does it not follow that the Government version being true on the main facts, their finding on the details is likely to be true? If all parties are agreed on the main facts, is it worthwhile asking for a Commission on details? You make the League ask the Mussalmans to invite the Hindus to go to Kohat and to settle their differences with the Mussalmans honourably and amicably. This means that the Hindus are the offenders in the main. But if such is your opinion, then again why a Commission? You then proceed to invite the Hindus not to provoke and ask the Mussalmans not to resort to violence. This means that there was extraordinary provocation by the Hindus. The fact is that the kind of language used in the vile verses has become the normal condition of the Punjab. You might have said that such language was unpardonable for Kohat. Your condemnation of the Government coming at the end and in the language it is couched has no force whatsoever and you have made no case for condemnation either. Zafarali Khan’s resolution is in every way much superior to yours, and far less offensive. You have erred grievously in that you have made no mention of the destruction of temples. How I wish you had remained silent: I have read the resolution again and again and the more I read it the more I dislike it. Yet you must hold on to it, if you don’t feel that it is wrong. What I want to do is to act on your heart and thereon (on) your head. I am not going to desert you whilst I have faith in you. The resolution is a revelation of the working of your mind. However crude the language, it shows your belief. I must, therefore, put forth greater effort still and see if I cannot bring you to a correcter perspective. You should not be ignorant of Hindu opinion on these matters. You must not say that Hindus even denied provocation and initial violence. They may be wrong in so believing, but seeing that they believe so, you should not have stated what you have. If you could not have the resolution like the Congress one, you might have protested and voted against it without dividing the League."

"Left Delhi on the 3rd morning. Kohat was the only subject discussed at Hakimji’s residence right up to 10.30 p.m. on the preceding night. Dr Ansari and Hakimji (Ajmal Khan) held the view that the separate inquiry reports were best left unpublished. But Motilalji Nehru strongly opposed. ‘That’s impossible. The public was certain to expect the publication of the Inquiry Committee’s findings and it is incumbent upon us to satisfy it.’ It was at last decided to publish the reports, but with some changes. Shaukat Ali accompanied us in the train up to Sawai Madhopur on the 3rd morning to make them. Bapu first revised Shaukat Ali’s report. He kept his every view intact, but cancelled only unnecessary repetitions. Shaukat Ali accepted the deletions. His last paragraph was a little clumsy and Bapu rewrote it for him. Bapu then began to amend his own report. Shaukat Ali vehemently insisted that Bapu must drop the comparison with (Gen.) Dyer, the paragraph showing Bapu’s reasons for his blaming Muslims and the sentence that it was, by and large, not the Muslim community that had suffered but the Hindus. Bapu slashed all that. I protested, though not strongly, against all those incisions and said that that mind itself was vitiated which could not bear the statement of even bare facts. ‘But what else can be done?,’ Bapu rejoined, ‘that is the only way to change his attitude. Moreover, he too has conceded much.’"

"The relations between the two communities were strained throughout 1923-24. But in no locality did this tension produce such tragic consequences as in the city of Kohat. The immediate cause of the trouble was the publication and circulation of a pamphlet containing a virulently anti-Islamic poem. Terrible riots broke out on the 9th and 10th of September 1924, the total casualties being about 155 killed and wounded... As a result of this reign of terror the whole Hindu population evacuated the city of Kohat..."

"The Kohat matter also took an ugly turn. Muslims were the overwhelming proportion of the population. Hindus and Sikhs had been set upon and driven out. They had been thrashed, killed, forced to undergo conversions. But to the astonishment of all, in December 1924 at the session in Bombay of the Muslim League (of all things), the till-recently president of the Congress, Maulana Mohammed Ali, moved an embellishment to what, even to begin with, was a partisan resolution. The resolution maintained that ‘the sufferings of the Hindus of Kohat are not unprovoked, but that, on the contrary, the facts brought to light make it clear that gross provocation was offered to the religious sentiments of the Mussalmans, and the Hindus were the first to resort to violence; and further that, though their sufferings were very great, and they are deserving of the sympathy of all Mussalmans, it was not they alone that suffered...’"

"The scale, intensity, and extent of Muslim mob violence in Kohat was so unprecedented and incomparable to anything that had happened in the past that it shook even the Imperial British Government. The Kohat Deputy Commissioner and Brigade Commander almost gave up citing helplessness against this level of determined mob barbarism."

"The Kohat tragedy formed a subject of discussion in the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League and the Hindu Mahasabha. The manner in which it was treated by these three bodies throws interesting light on the way in which the communal question was looked at by different sections of Indians. Motilal Nehru, who moved the resolution on the subject in the Congress, began by saying that “in Kohat a tragedy has taken place the like of which has not been known in India for many years’*, but scrupulously avoided casting any blame on any party, merely observing that “this is not the time for us to apportion the blame upon the parties concerned**, though more than three months had passed since the incident. The Congress resolution deplored the incident, urged the Musalmans of Kohat to assure their Hindu brethren of full protection of their lives and property and invite them to return, advised the refugees not to return except upon any such invitation, and asked everybody to suspend judgement till a proper inquiry was made. The Muslim League repeated all these but added the following : “The All-India Muslim League feels to be its duty to place on record that the sufferings of Kohat Hindus are not unprovoked, but that on the contrary the facts brought to light make it clear that grosss provocation was offered to the religious sentiments of the Mussulmans and the Hindus were the first to resort to violence. The Hindu Mahasabha “expressed grief at the loss sustained by Hindus and Muslims in life and property, the burning of about 473 houses and shops, the desecration or destruction of many temples or Gurudwaras which compelled the entire Hindu and Sikh population to leave Kohat and to seek shelter in Rawalpindi and other places in the Punjab.’’ Lala Lajpat Rai, speaking on the motion, asked “whether, even admitting that the Hindus were at faulr, their fault was such that it deserved the punishment inflicted on them.” All the three resolutions blamed the Government for the tragedy and urged the necessity of an independent public inquiry. A joint inquiry was made by Gandhi and Shaukat Ali, and as they differed on essential points, both issued individual statements. There was not much difference about the atrocities committed by the Muslims. Shaukat Ali exonerated them on the ground that the burning and firing on the 9th were quite accidental and the Hindus gave the first provocation on the 10th. Gandhi did not endorse this view and observed : “During these days temples including a Gurudwara were damaged and idols broken. There were numerous forced conversions, or conversions so-called, i.e. conversions pretended for safety. Two Hindus at least were brutally murdered because they ( the one certainly and the other inferentially ) would not accept Islam. The so-called conversions are thus described by a Musalman witness. ‘The Hindus came and asked to have their Sikhas cut and sacred threads destroyed, or the Musalmans whom they approached for protection said they could be protected only by declaring themselves Musalmans and removing the signs of Hinduism’. I fear the truth is bitterer than is put here if I am to credit the Hindu version”. Shaukat Ali admitted the murder of two Hindus for refusing to embrace Islam and the pretended conversions which, he added, were really no conversion at all. But he was not satisfied that there were any forced conversions to Islam."

"The Kohat riots from 9th September 1924 onwards deserve special mention, for they sent waves of shudder throughout the country. Pattabhi Sitaramayya wrote: ‘“‘The Kohat riots really broke the backbone of India.’’ Hindus were just five per cent of the population of Kohat, a small town in N.W.F.P. As many as 150 Hindus were murdered. The entire Hindu population had to seek shelter in Rawalpindi-320 km away. The terrible death dance of murder, rape, loot, abduction, etc., let loose on the Hindus there made Gandhiji, accompanied by Shaukat Ali, visit Rawalpindi."

"The Kohat tragedy formed a subject of discussion in the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League and the Hindu Mahasabha. The manner in which it was treated by these three bodies throws interesting light on the way in which the communal question was looked at by different sections of Indians. Motilal Nehru, who moved the resolution on the subject in the Congress, began by saying that “in Kohat a tragedy has taken place the like of which has not been known in India for many years’', but scrupulously avoided casting any blame on any party, merely observing that "this is not the time for us to apportion the blame upon the parties concerned", though more than three months had passed since the incident. The Congress resolution deplored the incident, urged the Musalmans of Kohat to assure their Hindu brethren of full protection of their lives and property and invite them to return, advised the refugees not to return except upon any such invitation, and asked everybody to suspend judgement till a proper inquiry was made."

"The most serious outbreak occurred at Kohat in N. W. P. P., a predominantly Muslim area. On the morning of 9 September, 1924. the Muslims looted and burnt all the shops of the Hindus. On the night of 10 September the Muslims made a number of breaches in the mud walls of the city, and committed wholesale plunder and incendiarism, the alleged provocation being firing from some Hindu houses in self-defence. Before noon there were wide- spread fires in Hindu quarters. The Deputy Commissioner and Brigade Commander were unable to prevent the raid, and apprehending that theie was a grave danger of who- lesale slaughter of the Hindus, removed them to the Cantonment. Later on the Hindus removed to Rawalpindi. Gandhi, who made a joint inquiry into the incident with Shaukat Ali, observed : On 10 September, "the Muslim fury knew no bounds. Destruction of life and property, in which the Constabulary freely partook, which was witnessed by the officials and which they could have prevented, was general. Had not the Hindus been with- drawn from their places and taken to the Cantonment, not many would have lived Even some Khilafat volunteers, whose duty it was to protect the Hindus, and regard them as their own kith and kin, neglected their duty, and not only joined in the loot but also took part in the previous incitement.""

"The killings of Sikhs in November 1984, under Congress rule in Delhi and other cities of North India, can be accurately described as a pogrom or massacre because the killings were totally one-sided. It was not a Hindu-Sikh riot. In fact, the Hindu community was as stunned by the murderous mobs, as were the Sikhs. Congress Party had hired goons who pretended frenzy and butchered over 3,000 Sikhs in Delhi alone. Many more thousands were killed or burnt alive in several North Indian cities. The dead were all Sikhs; only Sikh women were raped. There was not a single incident of Sikhs having killed Hindus or abducted women of any community in retaliation. Sikhs are not a helpless community in ordinary times, nor are they an oppressed religious minority. However, since Congress Party politicians are known to have led murderous mobs and the top leadership of the Congress Party is known to have deliberately immobilised the law and order machinery, the killing brigades and arsonists got a free hand for three–four days. Even though the army was ready at hand in Delhi Cantonment, it was not called for three long days till the worst was over. The police did not fire a single shot at the murderous mobs. They were asked to look the other way or actively assist the killer mobs. There wasn’t even an instance of lathi charge to disperse mobs. There were no arrests of arsonists during those days. It was uncontrolled mayhem from October 31, 1984 to November 3, 1984. The loss of property was also one-sided. Only Sikh homes were set on fire; the mobs looted only Sikh business establishments and houses. No Sikh went on a looting spree."

"Christians are not the only minority to be targeted by the Sangh Parivar. Violence against Sikhs in northern India in 1984… also stemmed from the activities and hate propaganda of these groups."

"Despite numerous credible eye-witness accounts that identified many of those involved in the violence, including police and politicians, in the months following the killings, the government sought no prosecutions or indictments of any persons, including officials, accused in any case of murder, rape or arson."

"I have no confusion in my mind about that. It was a tragedy, it was a painful experience. You say that the Congress party was involved in that, I don’t agree with that. Certainly there was violence, certainly there was tragedy."

"When a big tree falls, the earth shakes."

"The fact of the matter is that innocent people died in 1984 and innocent people dying is a horrible thing and should not happen. The difference between Gujarat and 1984 was that the Government of Gujarat was involved in the riots. [...] I think that riots, as all riots, were a horrible event. Frankly I was not in operation in the Congress party."

"The RSS and Sikhs have always fought shoulder to shoulder. Sikhs can never forget how RSS activists protected them during the partition and the 1984 anti-Sikh riots."

"It was the Congress leaders who instigated mobs in 1984 and got more than 3000 people killed. I must give due credit to RSS and the BJP for showing courage and protecting helpless Sikhs during those difficult days. No less a person than Atal Bihari Vajpayee himself intervened at a couple of places to help poor taxi drivers."

"The attack on Sikhs and their property in our locality appeared to be an extremely organized affair ... There were also some young men on motorcycles, who were instructing the mobs and supplying them with kerosene oil from time to time. On more than a few occasions we saw auto-rickshaw arriving with several tins of kerosene oil and other inflammable material, such as jute sacks."

"(Rahul Gandhi's) current Guru Number 1, Sam Pitroda, added to Congress problems by making one of the most thoughtless, offensive remarks I have ever heard. Accosted by TV reporters last week and asked about the 1984 pogrom against the Sikhs, he said, “OK 1984 happened, so what?”"