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April 10, 2026
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"The labels liberal and conservative used to mean something fairly clear. A liberal used to mean somebody who believed in the individual, who believed in the free market, who believed that you should break down all the barriers toward individual self-expression. If this meant destroying the church or weakening the power of parents within their family, destroying social classes, all sorts of conventions, this is what liberals were in favor of. What conservatives were interested in doing was preserving a kind of cultural order, preserving a tradition, preserving a sense of sacredness—even if they weren’t particularly religious themselves, they had to preserve that sense of the sacred. And what happened in the 1940s and 50s is that conservatism got defined as what used to be called liberal. In other words, the free market is everything, the individual is everything. Forget family—forget everything, essentially, but the marketplace and the defense of the nation, because the old liberals were also great colonialists. And the people who called themselves liberals were in fact socialists or worse. What was somebody with something like a conservative worldview going to do? There was no place. There was no label. There was no party. There was no movement. It’s like being a conservative environmentalist today. The greatest environmental thinker, the most powerful philosopher of conservation today, is Wendell Berry, who is a conservative. He lives on his little farm in rural Kentucky. He writes books about managing his own little family farm. He’s a Christian, he’s a traditionalist, but he’s on the board of the Sierra Club. Why? Because there’s no conservative organization that would welcome Wendell Berry; they think he’s the devil incarnate. And that, in a nutshell, is the failure of American conservatism—not to make a place for the real social, cultural, and moral conservatives who have surfaced from time to time. Jack Kerouac was a conservative and nobody knew that at the time. Why was he a conservative? He thought of himself as a man of the right. He thought he was a patriot. He was a rugged, old-fashioned individualist, but he loved America. He hated this rise of America-bashing of the 60s, and he’s quite an interesting person. Obviously, he was a moral anarchist in some sense, but way down deep he had the...impulses of a Baudelaire, who was also a conservative."
Young though he was, his radiant energy produced such an impression of absolute reliability that Hedgewar made him the first sarkaryavah, or general secretary, of the RSS.
- Gopal Mukund Huddar
Largely because of the influence of communists in London, Huddar's conversion into an enthusiastic supporter of the fight against fascism was quick and smooth. The ease with which he crossed from one worldview to another betrays the fact that he had not properly understood the world he had grown in.
Huddar would have been 101 now had he been alive. But then centenaries are not celebrated only to register how old so and so would have been and when. They are usually celebrated to explore how much poorer our lives are without them. Maharashtrian public life is poorer without him. It is poorer for not having made the effort to recall an extraordinary life.
I regret I was not there to listen to Balaji Huddar's speech [...] No matter how many times you listen to him, his speeches are so delightful that you feel like listening to them again and again.
By the time he came out of Franco's prison, Huddar had relinquished many of his old ideas. He displayed a worldview completely different from that of the RSS, even though he continued to remain deferential to Hedgewar and maintained a personal relationship with him.