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April 10, 2026
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"It was a crucial negotiation, a truly significant founding act of the Second Republic for understanding what happened in those years and in the years that followed â to understand, step by step, Licio Gelliâs plan, the deals with Berlusconi, and the fact that there was no opposition in this country. Isnât Matteo Renzi, too, simply the result of this agreement?"
"It is a shameful and disconcerting fact. Why Nicola Mancino and others yes, but Giovanni Conso no? This completely undermines the credibility of the Palermo Public Prosecutorâs Office. Conso was the one who refused to extend 41 bis to mafia members in prison. [...] If there was a political plot, why is the very person who would have implemented it excluded from the trial? Instead, others are being put on trial and shadows are being cast over those who bear no responsibility. For example, Silvio Berlusconi and DellâUtri have nothing to do with the alleged State-Mafia negotiations, which are said to have taken place in 1993â94 under the Amato and Ciampi governments, with Scalfaro acting as the chief orchestrator of this affair. It is on them that attention must be focused, not on others."
"I have focused my recollections on Schifani and spoke to the magistrates about him because even before the attack at the Olimpico I knew there were State-Mafia negotiations. When I saw Schifani on television and in political office, it occurred to me that he often frequented the warehouse in Brancaccio, Palermo, where Filippo Graviano used to stop for meetings. And I surmised that Schifani might have been the link in the negotiations."
"For Lupo and Fiandaca, that trial lacks any legal basis: for them, in fact, the negotiations were not only a legitimate initiative, but indeed a necessary, useful and beneficial one, safeguarding national security, as they were the means through which the State, at that precise historical moment, sought to preserve the lives of its citizens."
"Filippo Facci knows that "The Palermo Trial" will go nowhere. Filippo Facci knows that it is not true that Totò Riina wants Nino Di Matteo dead. Filippo Facci knows that there is now no trace left of the Corleonesiâs strategy of mass murder. Filippo Facci knows that anonymous sources, in a country that respects itself, should be discarded. Filippo Facci knows that any tightening of harsh prison conditions for mafia members would be dictated solely by the quest for image and credibility of the Palermo public prosecutors, who have now fallen on hard times."
""Alleged" â I call it "alleged" â negotiations between the State and the mafia."
"I hear talk of negotiations and I do not know if anyone sat down at the table with anyone else; I do know, however, that there was an objective capitulation by the State in the face of organised crime at the moment when, with my removal, we moved from one harsh prison regime to another, vastly softened one."
"The argument, of course, was that the trial should be moved to Rome; in fact, the judges decided it should remain in Palermo. As soon as it began, Fiandaca hastily wrote an "essay" with the historian Salvatore Lupo in which he retracted years of denial: having always referred to the negotiations as "so-called" and âallegedâ, he admitted that "the negotiations did take place", but acquitted them on the grounds that they were "not criminally actionable" and "legally legitimate", inspired by a "state of necessity" and "for the greater good". That "good" which cost the lives of 16 people and the health of some forty others in the massacres of Via DâAmelio, Via dei Georgofili and Via Palestro. Collateral damage. And above all, no crime and no culprit."
"The negotiations are also a state of necessity for our ruling classes who, instead of waging war on organised crime to defeat it, tell you, âWhat, are you mad? Theyâll start shooting again.â And it matters little that we have 350,000 armed men who could defeat the Camorra, âNdrangheta and Mafia, which together have a maximum of 40,000 men. And so even today, the Italian system for combating organised crime consists solely of striking a deal."
""Alleged" is the word. Fiandaca speaks of "so-called negotiations" and "alleged negotiations". Weâre off to a good start. The State-Mafia negotiations are indisputable in legal terms, as confirmed by final rulings of the Court of Cassation on the massacres of 1992â93, as well as by the direct protagonists and witnesses, not just Mafia members: Mori and De Donno state in their official records that there were ânegotiationsâ with the leaders of Cosa Nostra via Vito Ciancimino, and not merely a âfirst contactâ, as Fiandaca has them saying. He needs to face facts: if he wants to talk about negotiations, he should at least read the judgments."
Young though he was, his radiant energy produced such an impression of absolute reliability that Hedgewar made him the first sarkaryavah, or general secretary, of the RSS.
- Gopal Mukund Huddar
Largely because of the influence of communists in London, Huddar's conversion into an enthusiastic supporter of the fight against fascism was quick and smooth. The ease with which he crossed from one worldview to another betrays the fact that he had not properly understood the world he had grown in.
Huddar would have been 101 now had he been alive. But then centenaries are not celebrated only to register how old so and so would have been and when. They are usually celebrated to explore how much poorer our lives are without them. Maharashtrian public life is poorer without him. It is poorer for not having made the effort to recall an extraordinary life.
I regret I was not there to listen to Balaji Huddar's speech [...] No matter how many times you listen to him, his speeches are so delightful that you feel like listening to them again and again.
By the time he came out of Franco's prison, Huddar had relinquished many of his old ideas. He displayed a worldview completely different from that of the RSS, even though he continued to remain deferential to Hedgewar and maintained a personal relationship with him.