First Quote Added
April 10, 2026
Latest Quote Added
"The people of Bosnia -- meaning Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs -- could each say they're speaking their own, individual language. They say that it's their national language, and that it's not for Europe, Belgrade, or Zagreb to decide differently... The same is true for Montenegrins. If they think Montenegrin is a distinct language, then basically it is. If on the other hand they decide to share a language with Serbs or Croats, that would work just as well. But the tendency here is to see each of these languages as special and distinct."
"When several nations or countries speak a common language, linguists do not list all these peoples in the name of the language because that would be too long a name... In our case, linguists introduced a two-part name in the 19th century, and today's linguists have inherited it, just like today's chemists inherited terms in chemistry, or as American linguists inherited the name for their language. The edges of the tongue are named with the two-part name model, and the central zone is not necessarily named when the edges are known. This is the same as with Indo-European names, the edges are named, and the central zones of Armenian and Persian are not. I must point out that all these names only bind linguists and not ordinary people, they can call the language whatever they want, and they don't have to call it at all."
"When foreigners come to our country ... they point out that in Zagreb they are told that they speak Croatian very well, in Belgrade that they speak Serbian very well, and in Sarajevo that they speak Bosnian very well, and they always say the same thing. But how can a resident, let's say, from Posavina, let's say, a Croat, find it acceptable to claim that he and a Dalmatian, not to mention a Zagorac, speak the same Croatian language, and that he and his neighbor, a Bosniak or a Serb with whom he communicates on a daily basis, do not speak the same, but different languages."
Young though he was, his radiant energy produced such an impression of absolute reliability that Hedgewar made him the first sarkaryavah, or general secretary, of the RSS.
- Gopal Mukund Huddar
Largely because of the influence of communists in London, Huddar's conversion into an enthusiastic supporter of the fight against fascism was quick and smooth. The ease with which he crossed from one worldview to another betrays the fact that he had not properly understood the world he had grown in.
Huddar would have been 101 now had he been alive. But then centenaries are not celebrated only to register how old so and so would have been and when. They are usually celebrated to explore how much poorer our lives are without them. Maharashtrian public life is poorer without him. It is poorer for not having made the effort to recall an extraordinary life.
I regret I was not there to listen to Balaji Huddar's speech [...] No matter how many times you listen to him, his speeches are so delightful that you feel like listening to them again and again.
By the time he came out of Franco's prison, Huddar had relinquished many of his old ideas. He displayed a worldview completely different from that of the RSS, even though he continued to remain deferential to Hedgewar and maintained a personal relationship with him.