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April 10, 2026
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"[D]eveloping an anarcha-feminist position implies developing a feminist position which is not simply deconstructive or negative, but remains at the same time a form of feminism without patronym. (Notice here that, in contrast to other form of feminism, such as Marxist feminism or Foucauldian feminism, the very term anarcha-feminism gestures at an attempt to get rid of any patronym). And the challenges for such a position will therefore be very close to those that radical feminists had to face in the past: how to defend the specificity of womanhood without incurring any form of essentialism?"
"Despite the fact that anarchism and Marxism often were on the same path and even converged in workers’ struggles, the major difference between them is that anarchist thinkers have historically been working with a more variegated notion of oppression that emphasizes the existence of forms of exploitation that cannot be reduced to economic factors – be they political, cultural, sexual, cosmetic and so on and so forth. Hence also its happier marriage with feminism: if the relationship between Marxism and feminism has historically been a dangerous liaison, which reproduced the same logic of domination occurring between the two sexes, then the relationship between feminism and anarchism promises to be a much more productive encounter. Historically, the two have converged so often that some have argued that anarchism is by definition feminism. The point is not simply to register that, from Mikhail Bakunin to Emma Goldman, and with the only (possible) exception of Proudhon, anarchism and feminism often converged in the same people. This historical fact signals a deeper theoretical affinity. You can be a Marxist without being a feminist, but you cannot be an anarchist without being a feminist at the same time."
"Feminism practices what anarchism preaches. One might go so far as to claim feminists are the only existing protest groups that can honestly be called practicing Anarchists; first because women apply themselves to specific projects like abortion clinics and day-care centres; second, because as essentially apolitical women for the most part refuse to engage in the political combat terms of the right or the left, reformism or revolution, respectively."
Young though he was, his radiant energy produced such an impression of absolute reliability that Hedgewar made him the first sarkaryavah, or general secretary, of the RSS.
- Gopal Mukund Huddar
Largely because of the influence of communists in London, Huddar's conversion into an enthusiastic supporter of the fight against fascism was quick and smooth. The ease with which he crossed from one worldview to another betrays the fact that he had not properly understood the world he had grown in.
Huddar would have been 101 now had he been alive. But then centenaries are not celebrated only to register how old so and so would have been and when. They are usually celebrated to explore how much poorer our lives are without them. Maharashtrian public life is poorer without him. It is poorer for not having made the effort to recall an extraordinary life.
I regret I was not there to listen to Balaji Huddar's speech [...] No matter how many times you listen to him, his speeches are so delightful that you feel like listening to them again and again.
By the time he came out of Franco's prison, Huddar had relinquished many of his old ideas. He displayed a worldview completely different from that of the RSS, even though he continued to remain deferential to Hedgewar and maintained a personal relationship with him.