welfare-ministers

"We should be aware that these criminals, like all members of the public, are also consumers of the information we release. Excessive speculation on the fetching price of rhino horn, identifying so-called poaching hotspots, and specifics on rhino translocations in the media does influence the habits and tactics of the syndicates. Add to this the in-detail publication of anti-poaching tactics being employed by the multidisciplinary teams involved in this fight."

"So whilst we as the Department of Environmental Affairs will continue to provide regular updates; from your side we once again urge responsible reporting."

"We as the Department of Environmental Affairs, remain committed to providing accurate, timely account in relation to this very important topic: the conservation of the iconic African rhino."

"Hikmat recalled that she travelled to the distant villages and precincts to revive the spirit of national resistance and perseverance. She devoted her articles in al-Gomhouria Newspaper to raise political awareness, and spread the national spirit by discussing models and representations from Egyptian history."

"Hikmat recounted that although Ms. Nazla was against her involvement in the demonstrations, and even suspended her as a result, Ms. Nazla sent a letter to the League of Nations, on Hikmat’s behalf, protesting against the brutal treatment of the demonstrating citizens."

"Hikmat recalled Ms. Ihsan al-Qousi, as well as Ms. Nazla al-Hakim, who cared a lot about her students, both personally and academically, and was keen to listen to their complaints, and to encourage them to give their opinions."

"If the current generation was the one that existed during the liberation struggle, the country would still be under colonial rule because today’s workers had too much fear of the unknown."

"We have labour laws, people must read and understand them and I tell them every day, there is no one who can fire you for saying the truth, let them fire you if you are lying."

"The generation of today, if it was the generation which was there to gain independence, by now, we could still have been under colonial rule because people are scared of the unknown."

"So those people have not reported to us, we don’t know the workers, we haven’t seen them. Anyway, for the mayor, yes he apologized and I think our Labour Commissioner will be getting the details from him but we haven’t heard anywhere else. That is also the only one we saw but what I am saying is workers have the right to report the employer if that employer is forcing them to do what is not in the labour laws. They have a right to report to our ministry or utilize the District Commissioners, they are there and they have been very active to help us on issues of labour."

"My ministry had not received any complaints from workers working for Chinese businesses but would get details from Lusaka Mayor Miles Sampa on the Chinese companies that were forcing employees to stay on their premises in a bid to avoid them being exposed to the Coronavirus."

"The problem in Zambia is that we don’t analyse and evaluate those aspiring for leadership. We only get excited when they tell us what we want to hear."

"Now if we are going to be cowards, then we are not going to implement anything. The generation of today, if it was the generation which was there to gain independence, by now, we could still have been under colonial rule because people are scared of the unknown. Now us as Ministry of Labour, we are not God; as minister, I won’t guess what is happening in Kafue, I am not a super human being. So that’s why relationships between employer and employee, the most important thing is communication, we should communicate to each other. So I am appealing to all the workers to know their rights and communicate to us, we even have a toll line now, we have told them they can call us on a toll line and tell us. If they are cowards, they should tell us that this is the employer and this is how we are working without necessarily them telling us their name, we have done all that."

"In Hong Kong, market forces generally determine the rates of remuneration. While "equal pay for men and women for equal work" is now a generally accepted principle in the local community, the concept of "equal pay for work of equal value" is an entirely new one. To put this concept into operation, an employer must ensure that all workers are given equal remuneration not only for the same job, but also for jobs of a different nature yet having the same value. The determination of wage level shall be guided not only by the "invisible hand" of market forces but also the principle of equality and equity. This means that an employer has to objectively appraise different jobs and determine their relative values."

"Hong Kong has always remained committed to ensuring press freedom, which is part and parcel of the city’s reputation as a vibrant international media hub and global business and financial centre. More than 80 daily newspapers and over 500 periodicals, both local and international, are published in Hong Kong."

"Even dishwashing is a kind of work experience. Having a difficult work experience on your resume may impress employers, who may think you are self-motivated."

"As a free market, the remuneration for a job is determined by the supply and demand of a particular skill, hence reflecting the market value which is more objective than an employer's judgement of certain inherent values of different jobs. On the face of it, the implementation of the concept of equal pay for work of equal value seems to be fraught with difficulties and complexities."

"The Hong Kong government has a constitutional duty to uphold national sovereignty and protect national security."

"We will remain a staunch defender of press freedom and a welcoming, hospitable and dynamic city for law-abiding people from around the world."

"Meanwhile, Hong Kong puts a lot of emphasis on innovation technology. It ranks very high on our policy agenda. In the last 23 months, we've invested $100 billion into innovation technology. We are doing our very best to put Hong Kong on the IT map, and in fact, the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area development will strengthen Hong Kong's IT development so that the Greater Bay Area will be Wall Street plus Silicon Valley in the future. This is also what Hong Kong's long-term future is all about. But after all, we rely much on Facebook in our daily life because you are such an important medium of communication, bridging the digital divide and also contributing to our society, assisting the underprivileged and strengthening people-to-people connection."

"Japan has developed as a pacifist nation. With the determination of the past 60 years since the end of the World War II (WWII), we shall become an economic power but never a military power. We have acted on that, and with that, we have contributed to peace-building and the prevention of conflicts around the world. That peaceful and stable development in the world leads to Japan's own peace and development. In other words, assisting the recipient country leads to Japan's stability and prosperity. With Japanese assistance, the recipient country will be able to grow through a stable political situation and Japan will benefit from that. It is with that stance that we shall continue to provide assistance."

"On the 60th anniversary of the end of the war, I reaffirm my determination that Japan must never again take the path to war, reflecting that the peace and prosperity we enjoy today are founded on the ultimate sacrifices of those who lost their lives for the war against their will."

"I would like to refer to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) and its means of delivery. This problem is a serious threat not only to Asia and Europe but to the entire world. When we look at recent nuclear developments in Iran and North Korea, it is obvious that the international nonproliferation regime faces a serious challenge. The international community should make a united and determined response to this issue."

"Reform is always a challenge, as it requires us to confront the status quo. But that is no justification for inaction."

"When I assumed the office of the Prime Minister of Japan last year, many people thought that it would be difficult to implement the various reforms that I proposed. In fact, however, we have advanced reform in many sectors. The time has come to bid farewell to the systems and practices with which we have become familiar and to flexibly accept the needs and requirements of this new age we live in."

"We generated these environmental pollutions, and in order to overcome pollution, we had to take in a lot of cost. Because we pursued economic development and economic growth, we polluted our environment. We do not want developed as well as developing countries to repeat the same mistake. That is why we pursue both environmental protection and economic growth. In doing this, the key lies in science and technology. In the past, we mass produced, mass consumed and mass disposed, and we took that for granted. However, we no longer live in that sort of age. We have to reduce waste as much as possible. We now also have to reuse waste as much as possible as resources, and all things need to be recycled from now on. A zero waste, zero emission society is necessity."

"Indeed in China, as seen from those anti-Japan demonstrations, there is strong anti-Japanese sentiment. Also, from seeing such demonstrations, some Japanese regard China with anti-China sentiment or shall I say a sort of feeling of repellence against China. But overall, I believe without expressing in words both in Japan and China, I believe the majority of people understand that promoting friendly ties between our two countries is of the greatest benefit to both countries, especially those in the responsible positions in the Government. I believe we should have this common understanding that we should strictly refrain from agitating any such hostile sentiment. I believe that because of the recent developments, there is this stronger understanding on this among those in responsible positions in respective countries. Without being affected by such anti-Chinese or Japanese sentiments, we were able to share the recognition in the talks that the friendly ties between the two countries are of importance. I believe both of us should take to heart very firmly this awareness and strive to further promote the friendly ties between our two countries."

"In the past, Japan, through its colonial rule and aggression, caused tremendous damage and suffering to the people of many countries, particularly to those of Asian nations. Sincerely facing these facts of history, I once again express my feelings of deep remorse and heartfelt apology, and also express the feelings of mourning for all victims, both at home and abroad, in the war. I am determined not to allow the lessons of that horrible war to erode, and to contribute to the peace and prosperity of the world without ever again waging a war."

"Today, I would like to share with you a vision of a new United Nations. We need a caring United Nations that reaches out to those who struggle with extreme poverty and lends a hand to those who strive to help themselves. We need a strong United Nations that lays a path toward peacebuilding and takes an active role in the fight against terrorism. We need an effective United Nations that reflects our aspirations and the standards of today's world, not those of sixty years ago."

"What I had on my mind all the time was that diplomacy is to fulfill Japan's responsibility on the international stage and to bring benefits to the Japanese people. Our economy, agriculture, fisheries, security, medicine, infectious diseases and what not, international challenges are directly connected to domestic challenges. There are various differences of views within Japan on various matters, but bearing those differences in mind there are various issues on which Japan needs to cooperate on the international stage where Japan can make contributions. I really felt that overseas issues are directly connected to domestic challenges, and I have stated my views on the international stage while listening to the views of others."

"Peace does not prevail automatically when a conflict ends. The new, strong United Nations, with the proposed Peacebuilding Commission in place, must show initiative in ensuring a smooth transition from ceasefire to nation-building, and to reconciliation, justice and reconstruction. Japan is ready to play its part in this challenging but vital undertaking."

"The international community is now faced with more complex and difficult challenges than ever imagined before: progress of the developing counties, alleviation of poverty, conservation of the global environment, nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and the prevention and eradication of terrorism. In order to contribute to world peace, Japan will proactively fulfill its role as a responsible member of the international community, upholding its pledge not to engage in war and based on its experience as the only nation to have suffered from the atomic bombings and the path it has followed over the 60 years after war."

"The State of Vietnam dedicates different preferential policies to ethnic minorities to enable them to prosper and narrowthe development gap with other groups. As Vietnam is extensively integrating itself into the world, religious organizations in our country have been expanding relations with other religions and religious organizations all over the world."

"The world we live in today is witnessing many complex uncertainties,which represent a threat to peace, independence, cooperation and sustainable development of all nations. On the one hand, we rejoice to see the tremendous advances in science and technology that propelled mankind to new heights of civilization and knowledge and brought different political regimes, economies,societies, cultures and religions closer together to co-exist in harmony formutual development."

"As one of the five countries most vulnerable to climate change, Vietnam highly appreciates and supports the international community’s efforts to tackle climate change."

"We should promote policies on economic restructuring towards sustainable development, green economic growth and circular economy in order to mitigate the adverse impacts of climate change. Social policies to protect the vulnerable, including women, children and those impacted by climate change are also much needed."

"We want to milk the Belgian cow for another ten years, and you can keep the carcass. That is the price of your freedom."

"Why did the king have to receive the Vlaams Belang? This is a racist and violent party and I think that the message given by the king is damaging."

"They gave us stepping-stones, but they would not walk on them."

"Kollontai's analysis in the pre-World War years did not find its way into the work of American socialist-feminists, and it is not clear that they would have accepted her views had they been exposed to them. Nevertheless, her integration of the most important aspects of anarchist-feminism into socialist ideology offered a tantalizing possibility for the creation of a truly feminist radicalism. That the promise remains to be fulfilled does not detract from her accomplishment."

"Barbara Clements has shown that for Kollontai "woman's inferiority was imbedded in the pattern of erotic love, the most private of human relationships." Socialism for her, therefore, was more than the overthrow of capitalism as an economic system. It promised the creation of a new order in which men and women could live together and love in harmony and in community. Clements has demonstrated Kollontai's unique place within Marxism: "Other contemporaries, most eloquently Virginia Woolf but also feminists such as the Pankhursts, knew the price of female emancipation, but of the Marxists, only Kollontai gave it a place within the ideology. Into a socioeconomic theory that valued rationality as the road to social liberation, Kollontai introduced an emotional understanding of woman alone in an isolating world." Kollontai's emphasis on psychological and emotional liberation was remarkably similar to American anarchist-feminism, but she differed in her insistence on integrating these issues into an uncompromising materialist analysis. She believed that "solitude and women's struggle for independence [were] economically determined and therefore ... soluble. She remained resolutely an ideologue and an optimist.""

"Throughout the history of the socialist movement there has, therefore, been a strand of feminist critique from within. Many feminists shared in the vision of a just society, but criticised the ways in which communist parties sought to bring it about. Amongst the Bolsheviks, Inessa Armand and Alexandra Kollontai were early critics of their party's policies and practice, and they, along with anarchist feminists such as Emma Goldman, laid some of the early groundwork in identifying socialism's failures."

"Alexandra Kollontay and Angelica Balabanoff were within easy reach, as they were living in the National. I sought out the former first. Mme Kollontay looked remarkably young and radiant, considering her fifty years and the severe operation she had recently undergone. A tall and stately woman, every inch the grande dame rather than the fiery revolutionist. Her attire and suite of two rooms bespoke good taste, the roses on her desk rather startling in the Russian greyness. They were the first I had seen since our deportation. [...] She leaned back in her arm-chair and I began speaking of the harrowing things that had come to my knowledge. She listened attentively without interrupting me, but there was not the slightest indication in her cold, handsome face of any perturbation on account of my recital. "We do have some dull grey spots in our vivid revolutionary picture," she said when I had concluded. "They are un-avoidable in a country so backward, with a people so dark and a social experiment of such magnitude, opposed by the entire world as it is. They will disappear when we have liquidated our military fronts and when we shall have raised the mental level of our masses." I could help in that, she continued. I could work among the women; they were ignorant of the simplest principles of life, physical and otherwise, ignorant of their own functions as mothers and citizens. I had done such fine work of that kind in America, and she could assure me of a much more fertile field in Russia. "Why not join me and stop your brooding over a few dull grey spots?" she said in conclusion; "they are nothing more, dear comrade, really nothing more." People raided, imprisoned, and shot for their ideas! The old and the young held as hostages, every protest gagged, iniquity and favouritism rampant, the best human values betrayed, the very spirit of revolution daily crucified-were all these nothing but "grey, dull spots," I wondered! I felt chilled to the marrow of my bones."

"Not a single one of the men who were close to me has ever had a direction-giving influence on my inclinations, strivings, or my world-view. On the contrary, most of the time I was the guiding spirit. I acquired my view of life, my from life itself, and in uninterrupted study from books."

"Kollontai was never a brilliant Marxist scholar or an innovative theoretician as was her friend Rosa Luxemburg, for example. She "discovered" Marx in a copy of Communist Manifesto which she picked up in a bookstore in Germany during the cooling off period forced on her by her parents. It quickly replaced her populism, which had been shallow and emotional, and seemed to pull her previous ideas together in an intellectually satisfying form-a common experience for many Marxist converts."

"No American socialist-feminist successfully integrated the anarchist-feminist analysis of domestic oppression into a socialist framework...Nevertheless, a socialist framework existed, in the work of Aleksandra Kollontai. Kollontai, a Russian Marxist revolutionary who participated in the birth of the Bolshevik state, wrote her most extensive analysis of the Woman Question while in exile in Western Europe in the years immediately preceding World War I." Following Bebel and Engels, Kollontai argued that the first requisite for women's emancipation was productive work outside the confines of the domestic circle. However, participation in the work force would not free women unless there were also changes in the industrial system. Ultimately, of course, the workers must overthrow capitalism, Kollontai declared. But, more immediately, socialists should work for shorter hours, less dangerous working conditions, paid maternity leaves, nursery facilities in all factories, and scheduled breaks from work so that mothers could breast feed their babies. Not all socialists agreed with Kollontai on the above issues. Most men and some women refused to countenance the urging of special reforms for women because they believed it undermined the solidarity of the proletariat. But Kollontai further extended her analysis of female oppression to include an attack on the emotional dependence of women upon men."

"It was a great privilege to work so closely with these wonderful women of our movement...I was very much impressed too with the brilliant and handsome Alexandra Kollontai, who had been active in the woman's movement even in pre-revolutionary days. She had been for a time People's Commissar of Social Welfare. When I first met her, she was one of the leaders of the Workers' Opposition, taking the line that the interests of the trade unions were opposed to those of the Soviet state and the Party. Lenin, to whom she was deeply devoted, convinced her of the fallacy of her position, and she abandoned her oppositionist stand, becoming a loyal supporter of the Party's position. She became Minister Plenipotentiary to Norway, the first woman ambassador in the world, was for a time ambassador to Mexico and is today Soviet Ambassador to Sweden."

"My Marxist outlook pointed out to me with an illuminating clarity that women's liberation could take place only as the result of the victory of a new social order and a different economic system."

"The vehement struggle between the two factions of the broke out anew: the on the one side, the on the other. In 1908 I belonged to the Menshevik faction, having been forced thereto by the hostile position taken by the Bolsheviks towards the Duma, a pseudo-Parliament called by the in order to Pacify the rebellious spirits of the age. Although with the Mensheviks I espoused the point of view that even a pseudo-Parliament should be utilized as a tribute for our Party and that the elections for the Duma must be used as an assembling point for the working class. But I did not side with the Mensheviks on the question of coordinating the forces of the workers with the Liberals in order to accelerate the overthrow of absolutism. On this point I was, in fact, very left-radical and was even branded as a "" by my Party comrades. Given my attitude towards the Duma it logically followed that I considered it useless to exploit the first bourgeois women's congress in the interest of our Party. Nevertheless I worked with might and main to assure that our women workers, who were to participate in the Congress, emerged as an independent and distinct group. I managed to carry out this plan but not without opposition. My Party comrades accused me and those women-comrades who shared my views of being "feminists" and of placing too much emphasis on matters of concern to women only. At the time there was still no comprehension at all of the extraordinarily important role in the struggle devolving upon professional women. Nevertheless our will prevailed."

"I could not lead a happy, peaceful life when the working population was so terribly enslaved."