Women from Pakistan

163 quotes found

"PAKISTAN HAS the unique distinction of being the only South Asian country where it’s legal to discriminate against women. This was institutionalized via a set of constitutional amendments during the period of General Zia-ul-Haq’s dictatorship, which brutalized the country’s political culture: there were public hangings and floggings of criminals and dissidents. In 1979 the “Hudood Ordinance” repealed previous laws relating to rape. General Zia was determined to “Islamize” the country, and together with the creation of jihadi groups to fight Charlie Wilson’s war in Afghanistan measures were taken on the domestic front that have proved difficult to reverse. A raped woman could no longer testify against her violator because she was now considered only half a witness. Four adult males were required to corroborate her evidence. By alleging rape, which she was not in a position to prove, the woman admitted to intercourse rendering her liable to prosecution. Add to this the fact that sexual assaults on women are an everyday crime: the Human Rights Commission estimates a rape every three hours. Today, more than 50 percent of women in prison are those accused of adultery (i.e., unproven rape) and are awaiting verdicts. Many of them languish in jail for several months and sometimes years before their case is heard. Acquittals are rare and the most lenient sentence is a year in prison.... Often poor women, who go to a police station and charge a man with rape, are subjected to further sexual abuse by the police, incidents of which multiplied dramatically after the “Islamic laws” were promulgated. Neither Benazir Bhutto nor General Musharraf managed to repeal the anti-women ordinances when they were in power. This gives a carte blanche to honor killers and anyone else. As social and economic conditions deteriorate for a vast majority of the population, women become even more vulnerable.... The treatment of women as subhuman can also be seen in the statistics related to acid and kerosene burn victims. Young girls and women between the ages of fourteen to twenty-five are the usual target of this particular crime. The aim is to disfigure the face and burn the genital region. The reasons vary from case to case: jealousy, imagined infidelity, economic need to get a new bride and dowry, wives refusing sexual favors, and so on."

- Women in Pakistan

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"No one really knows how many thieves had their hands amputated, perhaps none; or how many people were flogged during those years—many, too many. Information was scarce. In the first years of Zia’s regime, floggings and hangings were a public affair in the village square or city stadiums, but within a couple of years, the national outcry forced the authorities to conduct this grim business out of the public view. One thing was certain and documented: women were the biggest losers under Zia. During the 1960s and early 1970s, Pakistan had adopted very progressive laws ensuring a woman’s right to divorce, restricting polygamy, and even prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sex. National literacy rates were still low, even more so for women, but they were rising steadily for everyone. Enrollment of girls in schools and universities was skyrocketing in cities. Women were beginning to participate in politics, they were rising as judges. This is why, despite the long road ahead for a deeply conservative society, Mehtab had believed she was part of a forward-looking country, where the future of women looked brighter. Neither she nor her friends had been looking for Western-style women’s rights; they did not speak in the radical terms of American feminists. “We have to exist with men,” Mehtab would tell those around her—with men and within their own society and its conventions. The uncompromising attitudes of the “women’s libbers” she had met in America was “an extreme position, confrontation was no good.” Gradual change had paid off. Now Zia was threatening to yank women back into purdah."

- Women in Pakistan

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"And yet one must be thankful for some mercies: in India, Muslim women do not live in a country in which the ulema have the power to enforce their decrees. In Saudi Arabia, in Pakistan since 1977 when Zia ul Haq promulgated the Hudood Ordinances, ... that power derives from and is conjoint with the power of the state.... In either event, the results are tragic. Several of the horrid cases have been much written about. Adultery and rape figured prominently in Zia’s Hudood Ordinances. For adultery, there had to be four, reliable, adult, Muslim, male eyewitnesses to actual, physical penetration—the stated purpose was to protect persons from being falsely accused. In several cases of women, in particular single, unmarried women, who had been raped and had become pregnant, the requisite eyewitnesses could not be produced. But their pregnancy was proof positive that they had had illegal sexual relations. And so, while they had been victims of rape, they became the accused—accused of zina, adultery: their charge that they had been raped became a confession of their having had illegal intercourse; and the fact that they were pregnant became proof positive. In a typical case, fifteen-year-old Jehan Mina was raped by two of her male relatives. She became pregnant. She was sentenced to 100 lashes. A higher court, out of ‘charity’, reduced the sentence to ten lashes. Thirteen-year-old Safia Bibi was blind. She was employed as a maid. Her employer and his son raped her. She became pregnant. The rapists went scot-free. She was sentenced to three years in prison, and thirty lashes— the flogging was limited to thirty lashes, the court said, out of leniency for her being blind. The case became a cause célèbre. Asma Jehangir, Hina Jilani and other human rights activists mounted a vigorous challenge. Pakistan’s Federal Court set the judgment aside—though it concurred that the evidence against the father and son was insufficient. And young Safia survived. But cases that are just as baseless and just as weighed against women, and the extreme fear they generate, have continued—under ‘laws’ that range from rape to divorce to blasphemy. At one time, it was reported that almost 70 to 80 per cent of undertrials languishing in Pakistan’s jails were women who had been charged with offences of this kind."

- Women in Pakistan

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"I woke up that night to the screams of women. I don’t know when I’d fallen asleep, or passed out, but when I woke up, the manic, lost, women were all around me, walking, shambling. I remember that night, my first night in this asylum – I had retreated into the corner, into the shadows, and looked through the bars, bars that had been chained with many locks. The locks were like eyes: the eyes of a man’s vigilance. As I focused, the lock slowly extended to reveal the form of a man, a man sprawling on the bed: I thought of the violence of beds, of my marriage. The man on this bed was my husband – a man who used to beat me metal-blue to eliminate his fear of women. There were other ways of elimination: polishing his black boots and making them shine, washing his clothes, suspending them onto a hanging wire. And the starvation. And the rising lilt of his family’s voices: awaara. A cuss word, a slap – his marriage to me? – The violence of a mongering dog, his teeth digging into my flesh. His skin the color of a chameleon turned blue. Me? I was a churi, a glass bangle. The house? The impersonation of a ghetto. My agency, his anger. So I ran. I ran to a divorce, yes, and I reached my destination after six months of torture. But the six months led to psychosis. So my mother dragged me here, to this mental asylum. Then I woke up, that night, to the screams of women."

- Sara Shagufta

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"Pakistan's Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929 sets the legitimate time of marriage for boys to 18 and 16 for girls. With this enactment, children’s marriage in Pakistan diminished altogether contrasted with the past, however the rate is still high. In 2013, the CEDAW Committee stated concerns about the continuation of child ‘marriage and the minimum age of marriage of girls in Pakistan (Brides, 2018). At the local level in 2014, the Sindh Assembly consistently accepted the Law on the Restriction of the Sindh Child Marriage, carrying the ‘minimum age for marriage at 18 years old therefore making child marriage a punishable crime (Sindhlaws, 2014). Despite this, the practice continues with reports of girls being married very young (Zia-ur-Rahman, 2014). In February 2017 UNFPA supported the Punjab Government in the preparation of a comprehensive Punjab Child Marriage Limitation Act (1929) in which NGO and local citizens took part (UNFPA, 2017; 2018). The Penal Code ‘was amended so that there are severe penalties for those participating in child marriage (ibid). Raising the age of marriage from 16 to 18 (initiated by Senator Shear Kamran, the Senator for Child Marriage Act) could not be changed and encountered religious obstacles. Although the Senate and standing committee accepted it (Brides, 2018), the Islamic Ideology Council, which provides Islamic legal consultancy to the Pakistani Government said marriage can happen at any age (ibid) but man and wife living together (known as Rukhsati in Pakistan) can only happen after the age of 18 (ibid). Thus, the Islamic Ideology Council stated Pakistan's laws prohibiting child marriage were not Islamic which led to criticism (Memri, 2014). Under the Universal Periodic Review, Pakistan has again adopted a review of the minimum age of marriage for men and women (HRW, 2017; Human Rights Commission, 2014) but no change has occurred. Pakistani courts often apply Sharia (Islamic law) which allow marriage once a girl reaches puberty (ibid)."

- Child marriage in Pakistan

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""The Sindh government rightly claims credit of becoming the country's first elected assembly to have passed a bill on child marriage in April 2014, which places a ban on marriage of children under 18 years of age and makes its violation punishable with rigorous imprisonment of up to three years, but sadly the law is still poorly implemented," said SHRC Chairperson Justice (retd) Majida Razvi. NCRC acting chairperson Jawadullah Khan said that his organisation was making efforts to reform laws in all provinces and suggested strong coordination between stakeholders, including police and government authorities, to deal with the issue. "The issues of minors' marriages, child trafficking, and street children are rampant. There is a dire need to develop a database and devise a mechanism for coordination before taking action," he added. Child rights expert Sarah Zaman discussed the operational gaps and challenges in the implementation and added that there are lacunas in the act, but its legitimacy is still there. "Pakistan is in trauma due to the flood disaster, but on the other hand we face several cases of trafficking, rape, and child marriages," she said, adding that poverty is not the main reason for child marriages, other socio-political issues also need to be kept in mind while proposing amendments. UNICEF child protection officer Mahvish Maria remarked that child marriage is a human rights violation. Despite laws against it, this harmful practice remains widespread. While referring to the findings of the Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey 2017-18, she said that child marriage prevalence in the country is 18%. She added that child marriages increase during humanitarian emergencies. "Historically, women and girls are disproportionately affected during emergencies and it's mandatory to sensitise communities for birth and marriage registration," she said and recommended that the existing laws should be implemented and further strengthened along with strengthening the government system to prevent and respond to this issue."

- Child marriage in Pakistan

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"This form of violence against women in Pakistan takes place in the context of widespread domestic abuse—8o percent of wives in rural Pakistan fear physical violence from their husbands, while so percent of urban. women have experienced domestic abuse (Toosi 2010). Yasmeen Rehman, a prominent women's advocate and parliamentarian, stated that domestic abuse in Pakistan is so engrained that it can be equated with habit (Toosi 2010). As a tool of masculine dominance, acid throwing is ideal. The physical disfigurement from acid burning is important. Survivors, wearing the scars of their attacks, are further violated through ostracism and shame within their community and vulnerable to further violent attacks (Women Without Borders 2010). Like honor killings, which end a woman's life, acid scars disable and remove women’s ability to be independent and thus to transgress norms, subduing and subordi- nating them. Depending on the extent of their injuries, women may be unable to work. Furthermore, the disfigurement relegates women back into the private and invisible realm of their traditional gender role, reinforcing men’s domi- nance of the public sphere and their monopoly on social, political, and economic agency. The permanent and public nature of the injuries from acid throwing allows for perpetrators to tangibly and visually validate their actions and rein- force their masculinity within their peer and social contexts. An acid survivor is a permanent reminder of the violent perpetrator’s dominance."

- Violence against women in Pakistan

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"When the British first introduced their system of “modern” education to India, there was some resistance. For historical reasons this was strongest among the Muslims of north India, and there was great reluctance in these areas to send girls to school. By the turn of the century the situation had changed considerably. With the emergence of a growing nationalist sentiment, women’s education began to receive some support. But, while one group of advocates believed that education should give women greater awareness and augment their human development, another group fought to establish institutions, such as the “Zenana” (women’s) schools in Lahore, that would counter what they saw as the insidious undermining of values and morals caused by modern education. Consequently, even before Pakistan was cre- ated there were two opposing camps: one that believed that edu- cation could free women from their social shackles and one that intended to use education to further consolidate the constraints ‘on women. This conflict has never been resolved, and women’s ‘education in Pakistan remains a victim of contradictory policies. The ongoing debate about whether a separate women’s university should be established is a case in point. In Pakistan the pro- posal is opposed by female activists, who view it as a subtle method to further marginalize women by circumscribing the type of education available to them. They fear that with a separate university women will find it increasingly difficult to be admitted to high-quality institutions (particularly in technical and profes- sional fields), while the course offered in the women’s university would be limited to “female-appropriate” subjects."

- Women's education in Pakistan

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