1992

"There is no state today, certainly not in India, to protect Hindu interest in the international arena, to raise voice for the Hindus .... In December 1992, no less than 600 Hindu temples were destroyed in Bangladesh, thousands of Hindu homes were burnt down, hundreds of Hindu women were paraded naked on the streets of Bhola town, a number of Hindus were killed, Hindu shops were looted, Hindu deities were desecrated, Hindu girls were dishonoured. But the Government of India remained silent. In Pakistan, 300 temples were destroyed. In Lahore a Minister of Pakistan personally supervised the pulling down of a temple with the help of bulldozers, and several Hindus were murdered. But the Government of India remained silent. No matter how much tyranny, how much injustice is heaped on Hindus anywhere in the world, the State of India is not bothered - this is the essence of Secularism in India."

"Muslims attacked and burnt down Hindu temples and shops across Bangladesh and disrupted an India-Bangladesh cricket match following the destruction of the Babri Masjid in India by Hindu fundamentalists. About 5,000 young men with rods and bamboo sticks tried to storm Dhaka National Stadium, but they were beaten back by police firing tear gas and rubber bullets. At least 10 people have died, many Hindu women have been raped, and hundreds of Hindu homes and temples have been destroyed."

"Taslima Nasrin, a physician, poet, novelist, and journalist, is an outspoken feminist from Bangladesh and the author of many books. Lajia (Shame) is a documentary novel about the plight of a Hindu family in Benes persecuted by Muslim fundamentalists during an outbreak of anti-~ in 1992. On December 6, 1992, Hind extremists demolished the Babri Masjid, a 16th-century mosque in Ayodha, India. The incident set off weeks of mob violence in India during which more than 1,200 people were killed. In Bangladesh, Muslims terrorized Hindus and ransacked and burned Hindu temples, shops, and homes in retaliation. Hindus are a minority in Bangladesh, which has an Islamic constitution. The novel traces the events of 13 days in the life of a fictional family, the Duttas—Sudhamoy Dutta, a physician, his wife Kironmoyee and their grown children Suranjan and Maya—in the aftermath of the razing of the Babri mosque. It also reflects Hindu complaints of persistent violation of their rights. Many Hindu friends of the Dutta family crossed the border into India to settle with relatives, particularly after a 1990 wave of anti:"

"Bhola district had a majority of Hindu population. Till 1992, practically no Hindu family had migrated to India. The Hindu were prosperous paddy farmers who had learnt to have a good crop from the marshy farmland. Nearly 50,000 Hindu families were the victims of genocide in this district The Muslim mobs, mostly composed of Jammat-e-Islam goondas and members of the Awami League Party violently looted, damaged and set fire to the houses and commercial centers and temples in the entire district towns and villages Practically everything was either looted or destroyed. The condition of women and children was pitiable as they was no Shelter, no food and no clothes for days. Three hundred young girls, many minor among them, were raped, even gang raped, in front of their parents and families. In one village alone more then 200 women were abducted and have never been recovered. The onslaught in the Bhola district had been prepared far in advance as the land and properties of the Hindus were coveted by Muslims. Political parties were waiting for an opportune time and pretext. After this holocaust nearly 65 percent of the Hindu families in Bhola district migrated to India."

"It is disgraceful that the Hindus in my country were hunted by the Muslims after the destruction of the Babri Masjid. All of us who love Bangladesh should feel ashamed that such a terrible thing ‘could happen in our beautiful country. The riots that took place in 1992 in Bangladesh are the responsibility of us all, and we are all to blame."

"Lajja was published in February 1993 in Bangladesh and sold over 60,000 copies before it was banned by the government five months later—their excuse was that it was disturbing the communal peace. In September that year a fatwa was issued against me by a fundamentalist organization and a reward was offered for my death, There have been marches on the streets of Dhaka by communalists clamouring for my life. But none of these things have shaken my determination to continue the battle against religious persecution, genocide and communalism."

"They walked away from the damage together. Suranjan asked, ‘Which other places have they torched?” “Chittagong’s temples at Tulsidhaam, Panchanandhaam and Kaibolyadhaam were broken to pieces. All the temples in Malipara, Samshan mandir, Korbanigunj, Kalibari, Chatteswari, Bishnu mandir, Hajari lane and Fakirpara were set ablaze. Ironically, there were processions at the same time pleading for communal harmony’ Suranjan sighed deeply. Kaiser pushed back his untidy hair and said, ‘It wasn’t only temples yesterday. They had even set fire to the fishermen’s colony in Majhirghat. Atleast fifty homes were totally destroyed’ ‘What else?’ Suranjan asked, suddenly indifferent to everything. “They raided the Madhav mandir and Durga mandir in Jaidebpur. At Sherpur, the Annapurna mandir at the Krishi Centre and the Kali mandir at the Sherighat Ashram were completely destroyed. In Faridpur, the temples in the Ramakrishna Mission were looted. The guru and his students were seriously injured.’ “And? Suranjan continued to be unconcerned. “At Narshindi, the temples and houses at Chalakchor and Monohordir were destroyed. In Narayangunj, the temple at the Morapara Bazaar in the Rupgunj station was demolished. At Comilla, the old Abhaya Ashram was burnt. At Noakhali also all Kinds of atrocities were perpetrated.” “Like what?’ “The Adhor Chand Ashramat the Sudharam police station and seven Hindu homes have been destroyed. All the Hindu homes in Gangapur were first looted and then set ablaze. The Sivakali temple at Shonapur and the gymnasium at Binodpur were destroyed. The Kali mandir at Choumuhini, Durgabari mandir at Durgapur and the temples at Qutabpur and Gopalpur were razed to the ground. Dr P. K. Singha’s medicine factory, Akhanda Ashram, and the temples in the Choyani area were all demolished. InChoumuhuni, Babupur, Tetuia, Mehdipur, Rajgunj Bazaar, Tongirpar, Kazirhaat, Rasulpur, Jameendarhaat and Porabari ten temples and eighteen Hindu homes were looted and set on fire. A shop, a car and even alady were setalight. Of the seventeen homes in Bhabordi, thirteen were torched and all of them looted and the ladies were tortured. Biplab Bhowmick was stabbed. Yesterday all the houses and temples in Birahimpur were damaged. The Jagannath mandir, three shops in the Charhazaari village, as well as clubs were looted and plundered. Two houses in the Charparbaati village, one house in Daasherhaat, two temples at Charkukri and Muchhapur and the Jaikali temple were burned. All the people living in Sirajpur were beaten up and all the homes were at first looted and later set ablaze’"

"Dhakeshwari mandir, Siddheswari Kali mandir, Ramakrishna Mission, Mahaprakash Math, Narinda Gouriya Math, Bholagiri Ashram have all been stoned, looted and plundered. ‘Swamibagh Ashram has also been looted. Twenty-five homes near Shoni’s gym have been burnt down. The Shoni mandir and the Durga mandir have both been destroyed and burnt. Narinda’s Rishipara and the Dayagunj Jelepara have not been spared either. Farmgate, Paltan, the Nawabpur Maran Chand sweetshop and the Deshbandhu sweetshop at Tikatuli have also been demolished and set ablaze. The temple at Thathari Bazaar has also been torched."

"Tapas Pal, who had been patiently waiting for his turn, now said, ‘I have just got news from Cox's Bazaar, that the temple at Sebakhola has been destroyed. There was another at Chitamandir which has suffered the same fate. The Central Kali mandir at the Jalalabad Idgaon Bazaar, the Durga mandir at Hindupara, the Manasha mandir and Hari mandir at Machuapara as well as the Club House at Machuapara have been burnt to cinders by the Jamaatis. The Durga mandir at Islamabad, the Boalkhali Durga mandir, the Adaitya Chintahari math, the chief priest's home at the math, and at least five more temples have been set ablaze. The Hari mandir at Boalkhali has been looted. Eight temples at Choufaldandi as well as six homes and two shops were destroyed. Ina Hindu locality hundred and sixty-five homes were completely demolished. In the shopping centre, five Hindu shops were looted and Hindus are being beaten up and tortured at sight. They are setting fire to the granaries in a number of Hindu homes. The Bhairavbari temple at Ukhia has been completely destroyed as well. The Teknaf Kalibari, along with the purohit’s home, has been burnt down. The mandir at Sarbang has also been demolished. At Maheshkhali, three temples and eleven Hindu homes were set on fire. Four schools for Gita recitals have been burnt down. At the Kalarama Market, the Kali mandir and Hari mandir have both been set on fire, The Kali mandir at Qutabdia Borghop Bazaar, and five others have also been set on fire. Four craftsmens’ shops have been destroyed at the market. At the Ali Akbar Dale, fifty fishermen’s homes were looted and burnt to the ground. At Qutabdia, three children sustained burns. At Ramur Idgah, the community Kali mandir and the Jelepara Hari mandir were destroyed and later burnt down. Many homes at Fatehkhanrkhul were set on fire... .’ Suranjan cut in abruptly and said, ‘Oh for God’s sake, stop. Instead, why don’t you sing a song?’ “Sing!,’ Everyone was taken aback. How could anyone sing in these circumstances? Today was not a normal day. Houses, temples and shops were being burnt in the city, and Suranjan was asking for a song!"

"In order to maintain peace and harmony, all the parties in Dhaka were spontaneously organizing processions. But all this was a facade. Behind the front, it was a different story. In Golokpur, thirty Hindu women were raped. Chanchali, Sandhya, Moni . . . Nikunja Dutta had died. Bhagavati, an old lady, had been so terrified that she had died of a heart attack. In Golokpur incidents of daylight rape were reported. Even women who had taken refuge in Muslim homes were being raped."

"Fourteen hundred maunds of betel nuts belonging to Nantu Haldar were burnt to ashes at Das’ Haat Bazaar, The police, magistrate and DC were mute spectators to the destruction of temples at Bhola city."

"The jewellery of temples was openly looted. A Hindu washermens’ colony was burnt to cinders."

"At Manikgunj, they destroyed the Lakshmi temple, the community Shiv temple, the goldsmith lanes of Dashara and Kalikhala and the big beverage and cigarette godowns of Gadadhar Pal ‘Three truckloads of people raided the police stations at Twara, Baniajuri, Pukuria, Uthli, Mahadebpur, Joka and Shivalaya. ‘Three kilometres from the city, Hindu homes were looted and burnt in the Betila village. ‘The century old Naat mandir of Betila was attacked."

"Jeevan Saha’s home at Garpara was torched; three cowsheds ‘were burnt to ashes; hundreds of mounds of paddy were lost in the flames. Hindu shops at Terosree Bazaar under Ghior police station, and Hindu houses at Gangdubi, Baniajuri and Senpara were burnt down. At Senpara, a Hindu woman was raped as well."

"The Kali temple of Pirozepur, the Debarchana committee Kali mandir, the Manasha mandir, the Sheetala mandir, the Shiv mandir, the Narayan mandir, the Pirozepur Madanmohon Bigraha mandir, the Kali temple of Roykathi, the Krishnanagar Rai Rasaraj Seva Ashram, the Dumurtala Shreeguru Sangha ashram and mandir, the Kali temple at Suresh Saha’s home in Dukheri Dumuriala, the Manasha mandir at Naren Saha’s house in Dumurtala, the Manasha mandir at the ancestral home of Ramesh Saha, the community Kali mandir at Dumurtala, the temples at the homes of Sucharan Mondal, Gouranga Haldar, Harendra Nath Saha, Narendra Nath Saha, the Kali temple beside the Dumurtala high school, the Ranipur Panch Devi mandir, the community mandir of Hularhaat and Kartick Das’ furniture shop, the Kali mandir, the Kalakhali Sanatan Ashram, the Jujkhola Gour Govinda Seva Ashram, the Harisabha Sanatan Dharma mandir, the Kali mandir at the home of Ranjit Seal, the Jujkhola community Puja centre, the community Durga mandir near the Gabtola school, the temple in Bipin Haldar’s house at Krishnanagar, the community Kali mandir at Namazpur, the temple and math at Kalikathi Biswas’ home, the Lairi Kali mandir, the community temple of Inderhaat under Swarupkathi police station, the Durga mandir at Kanai Biswas’ homein Inderhaat, Nakul Saha’s cinema hall, the Durga mandir at Amal Guha’s home, the temple at Hemanta Seal’s house and the Kali mandir at Jadav Das’ house at Mathbaria police station were all set ablaze, The Shiv mandir at Mistripara in Syedpur was also destroyed. The community temple at Rathdanga village of Narail district, the Ghona community mandir, the Kudulia community crematorium, Nikhil Chandra Dey’s family mandir, Kalipada Hazra’s family temple, Shivprosad Pal’s family temple, the family temple at Dulal Chandra Chakraborty’s home in Badon village, Krishna Chandra Laskar’s family temple, the Taltala village community temple, the family temples of Baidyanath Saha, Sukumar Biswas and Pagla Biswas at Pankabila village, the community temple at Pankabila village, the Narayan Jiu mandir at Purbapara Daulatpur under Lohagara police station were all ransacked and demolished."

"Ten temples at Khulna were razed to the ground. Four or five temples along with houses were looted and plundered at Raduli in Paikpara and at Shobonadas and Baka villages. Two temples were destroyed in the Talimpur area under Rupsa police station. The Hindu homes adjacent to it were also looted."

"On the night of 8 December, three temples in the Dighlia and Senhati areas were burnt down. A group of processionists raided thirteen homes in Sahadevpur village, Feni. Twenty people were injured in the Jaipur village of Chagalnaiya At Langalboa village, Gobinda Prosad Roy's home was raided by two hundred people at the instigation of Moazzem Hussain. A person by the name of Kamal Biswas was seriously injured; it was possible he would succumb to his injuries. These tales of the continuing carnage in Bangladesh were being furnished by Birupaksha, Nayan and Debabrata. They satin front of Suranjan and chattered on but Suranjan gave no sign that he heard them. He was lying down with his eyes closed. He thought savagely—none of you know that it was not only at Bhola, Chittagong, Pirozepur, Sythet and Comilla that Hindu homes were looted; there was also a home at Tikatuli which was looted and from where a beautiful girl named Maya was stolen! Women after all were like commodities, and therefore stolen just like gold and silver."

"Il prossimo è facile odiarlo, | se sei forte amalo | che a fare stragi siamo tutti Capaci."

"Per questi ragazzi non ci sarà scampo, | giocano alla mafia, "Mamma, vado in strada, sparo", | a trent'anni da Capaci, vedi, sarà strano | ma il modello è diventato Genny Savastano."

"I think the magistrates in Caltanissetta are prosecuting someone who likely played a minor role in the attack and who was only recently uncovered. But I don’t think this closes the chapter on the involvement of entities outside of Cosa Nostra. Just consider that Falcone traveled from Rome to Palermo on a small secret service plane. Who wanted to make his departure time from Rome known? Why wasn’t this line of inquiry pursued? I think Spatuzza is a good state witness, very honest, but I don’t think the TNT used in Capaci came solely from the shipment he mentions. What took place in Capaci was a military-style attack; specialized personnel were involved."

"Falcone and Borsellino? There lies the hand of Gladio and the CIA."

"The alliance between occult powers and the Mafia is the famous "big game" that Giovanni Falcone was working on. And for which he likely died: and the true masterminds behind the Capaci massacre, after all, were never found."

"Borsellino openly expressed his regret at never having been summoned to Caltanissetta. I heard him say so myself. He expected that his colleagues in Caltanissetta, who were investigating the Capaci massacre, would have wanted to hear from him to gather everything he knew—not least because, given his close friendship with Giovanni Falcone, he was in a position to point out some leads for the investigation. He even complained about it to a colleague assigned to Caltanissetta."

"Gli attentati contro i giudici Falcone e Borsellino nel 1992 rappresentano una svolta nelle strategie criminali di Cosa nostra. La loro lettura non appare difficile: la mafia, che avverte un crescente isolamento, una più intensa pressione investigativa, attacca duramente le due persone più esposte nella lotta contro la criminalità. Gli attentati del 1993 sono di più difficile lettura, perché apparentemente non hanno dei precisi obiettivi "militari", non perseguono l'eliminazione fisica di soggetti pericolosi per l'organizzazione mafiosa. Perché questi attentati durante il governo Ciampi? Forse che con esso ogni aggancio è impossibile, irrecuperabile? È forse per questo che, con una strategia stragistica, si vuole dimostrare l'incapacità di controllo dell’Esecutivo sul territorio nazionale, e per tale via delegittimarlo?"

"Il mio governo fu contrassegnato dalle bombe. Ricordo [...] quel 27 luglio, avevo appena terminato una giornata durissima che si era conclusa positivamente con lo sblocco della vertenza degli autotrasportatori. Ero tutto contento, e me ne andavo a Santa Severa per qualche ora di riposo. Arrivai a tarda sera, e a mezzanotte mi informarono della bomba a Milano. Chiamai subito Palazzo Chigi, per parlare con Andrea Manzella che era il mio segretario generale. Mentre parlavamo al telefono, udimmo un boato fortissimo, in diretta: era l'esplosione della bomba di San Giorgio al Velabro. Andrea mi disse "Carlo, non capisco cosa sta succedendo...", ma non fece in tempo a finire, perché cadde la linea. Io richiamai subito, ma non ci fu verso: le comunicazioni erano misteriosamente interrotte. [...] ebbi paura che fossimo a un passo da un colpo di Stato. [...] corsi come un pazzo in macchina, e mi precipitai a Roma. Arrivai a Palazzo Chigi all'una e un quarto di notte, convocai un Consiglio supremo di difesa alle 3, perché ero convinto che lo Stato dovesse dare subito una risposta forte, immediata, visibile. Alle 4 parlai con Scalfaro al Quirinale, e gli dissi "presidente, dobbiamo reagire". Alle 8 del mattino riunii il Consiglio dei ministri, e subito dopo partii per Milano. Il golpe non ci fu, grazie a dio. Ma certo, su quella notte, sui giorni che la precedettero e la seguirono, resta un velo di mistero."

"Nel '93, Cosa nostra ebbe in subappalto una vera e propria strategia della tensione che ebbe nelle bombe di Roma, Milano e Firenze soltanto il suo momento più drammatico. [...] L'attentato al patrimonio artistico e culturale dello Stato assumeva una duplice finalità: orientare la situazione in atto in Sicilia verso una prospettiva indipendentista, sempre balzata fuori nei momenti critici della storia siciliana, e organizzare azioni criminose eclatanti che, sconvolgendo, avrebbero dato la possibilità ad un'entità esterna di proporsi come soluzione per poter riprendere in pugno l'intera situazione economica, politica, sociale, che veniva dalle macerie di Tangentopoli. [...] Certamente Cosa nostra, attraverso queste azioni criminali ha inteso agevolare l'avvento di nuove realtà politiche che potessero poi esaudire le sue richieste'"

"Paradossalmente, il clamore sanguinario della stagione stragista del '92-'93 segnò la sconfitta storica di Cosa Nostra."

"C'è un atto assolutamente pubblico, la requisitoria del pubblico ministero Luca Tescaroli al processo di appello per la strage di Capaci [...]: voi ricorderete che in quei 50 giorni saltarono in aria i due giudici più famosi d'Italia, a Palermo, cioè Falcone e Borsellino: intere autostrade sventrate, cioè una cosa mai vista; forse in Colombia. E questo pubblico ministero nella requisitoria ha sostenuto, ha ricordato, le parole di alcuni collaboratori di giustizia i quali sostengono che Totò Riina, prima di mettere a punto queste stragi, aveva incontrato alcune persone importanti, come le chiamava lui, e questi pentiti riferiscono che erano Berlusconi e Dell'Utri. [...] e altre indagini ci sono sulle stragi del '93, perché voi ricorderete che nel '93 ci fu quella replica, quando la mafia stranamente cominciò ad occuparsi del patrimonio artistico: cioè, la mafia uscì dal territorio siciliano e cominciò a mettre bombe agli Uffizi, a via Palestro a Milano e [...] a Roma, a San Giovanni in Laterano, per non parlare dell'attentato a Maurizio Costanzo, che è un altro caso clamoroso: è molto interessante, soltanto a livello cronologico, leggere quello che racconta Cartotto, e cioè che Maurizio Costanzo era uno, all'interno della Fininvest, ferocemente contrario alla nascita del partito della Fininvest, cioè alla "scesa in campo" della Fininvest in politica. Insomma, è un bel quadretto."

"Falcone and Borsellino were killed, with and through the mafia, at least with the active collaboration of an external entity. [...] These were certainly not merely mafia massacres. Indeed, based on the investigations, we should no longer even refer to them in this way. They were massacres carried out by an anti-state entity, which was—or perhaps still is—nestled within and against the state."

"Is this entity that ordered the massacres of ’92 and ’93 the same one that has always stepped in during periods of transition? Is it the same one behind Piazza Fontana and Piazza della Loggia, the attack on the Milan Police Headquarters by the anarchist Bertoli, and the Moro kidnapping? If not, it is unclear what power could have brought together, in all these bloody episodes, things as seemingly distant as right-wing extremism and the Red Brigades, the secret services and P2, the Banda della Magliana, and perhaps even elements of left-wing terrorism. This tangle of interests that intervenes every time to steer history through coups, through the violence of massacres, intervened [...] in ’92 and ’93, at the dawn of the Second Republic."

"Interviewer: Can what happened in ’92–’93 be defined as a kind of coup? Veltroni: In short, let’s be clear. Do you believe that Totò Riina was really the head of the Mafia? A Mafia that moves 130 billion euros a year? Do you believe that Riina or Provenzano had ever heard of the Velabro or the Georgofili in their lives? Is it conceivable that the Mafia, with its centuries-old codes, adopted the terrorist language of massacres for the first time since Portella della Ginestra without a strong, political reason? [...] Those were the days of Tangentopoli, the end of the parties of the First Republic, and the devaluation of the lira. We were emerging from that earthquake with the Ciampi government. Ciampi took office in April 1993. On May 27, there was the attack in Florence; on July 27, those in Milan and Rome. Then there was the failed attack at the Olympic Stadium [...]. And then the massacres ended. Why? There are two questions, and the answer, I fear, is one. Why did the Mafia start carrying out the massacres? Why did the Mafia stop carrying out the massacres?"