Walter Ulbricht

"„Es muss demokratisch aussehen, aber wir müssen alles in der Hand haben.“ – Anfang Mai 1945, zitiert in: Wolfgang Leonhard: Die Revolution entläßt ihre Kinder (1955). Leipzig 1990. S. 406. DIE ZEIT 19/1965"

"„Ich verstehe Ihre Frage so, dass es Menschen in Westdeutschland gibt, die wünschen, dass wir die Bauarbeiter der Hauptstadt der DDR mobilisieren, um eine Mauer aufzurichten, ja? -äääh, mir ist nicht bekannt, dass solche Absicht besteht, da sich die Bauarbeiter in der Hauptstadt hauptsächlich mit Wohnungsbau beschäftigen und ihre Arbeitskraft dafür voll ausgenutzt wird -voll eingesetzt wird. Niemand hat die Absicht, eine Mauer zu errichten.“ – am 15. Juni 1961 auf einer Pressekonferenz in Berlin (Ost) zum Vorschlag der Sowjetunion vom 4. Juni 1961, „eine Friedenskonferenz einzuberufen, einen Friedensvertrag abzuschließen und auf dieser Grundlage die Frage Westberlins als einer freien Stadt zu lösen“, auf die Frage der Journalistin Annamarie Doherr: „Herr Vorsitzender, bedeutet die Bildung einer Freien Stadt Ihrer Meinung nach, dass die Staatsgrenze am Brandenburger Tor errichtet wird? Und sind Sie entschlossen, dieser Tatsache mit allen Konsequenzen Rechnung zu tragen?“ Der Bau der Berliner Mauer begann keine zwei Monate später am 13. August 1961. http://1961.dra.de/index.php?id=32 mit Video"

"„Wenn ich durch die Straßen gehe // Und etwas Neues, Schönes sehe // Weis' ich stolz darauf: // Das hat mein Freund getan! // Mein Freund, der Plan!“ – 1953 im DDR-Rundfunk. 17juni53.de, Tondokument"

"„Ist es denn wirklich so, dass wir jeden Dreck, der vom Westen kommt, nu kopieren müssen? Ich denke, Genossen, mit der Monotonie des Je-Je-Je, und wie das alles heißt, ja, sollte man doch Schluss machen.“ – 1965 auf dem XI. Plenum des ZK der SED. Originalstimme Walter Ulbricht als wav-Datei: Anspielung auf das „Yeah, Yeah, Yeah“ der Beatles."

"The West German revanchists and militarists are using the peace-loving position of the USSR and the member-states of the Warsaw Pact on the resolution of German question, so as to inflict harm on the German Democratic Republic through subversive activity and the illegal recruitment of citizens of the German Democratic Republic. For this, they primarily use the open border in Berlin. In the interests of the peaceful work and construction by the citizens of the German Democratic Republic and of the member-states of the Warsaw Pact, it is necessary to stop the illegal recruitment and other hostile measures. Therefore, we propose that the member-states of the Warsaw Pact agree, in the interests of the cessation of the subversive activity, to implement control along the borders of the German Democratic Republic, including the borders in Berlin, comparable to the control along the state borders of the Western powers."

"With the creation of a separate West German state, with the conclusion of the Paris Agreements and with the inclusion of West Germany in NATO, the Western powers finally unilaterally broke the Potsdam Agreement, this sole valid document in international law for Germany in the postwar period. It is not coincidental that in connection with this a special occupation status of the three powers was established in West Berlin. By this three-sided occupation status, the Western powers themselves confirmed that they violated the international-legal basis of their occupation regime in West Berlin and that this regime was based only on undisguised military force."

"Es muss demokratisch aussehen, aber wir müssen alles in der Hand haben."

"The scale of the movement was impressive, with over 120 committees established nationwide. [...] The fact that so many committees adopted similar names and policies poses the question of whether there was a centralised organisation at work. Communists were prominent in nearly every Antifa despite the opposition of Moscow. Walter Ulbricht, the KPD leader, criticised the 'spontaneous creation of KPD bureaus, people's committees, and Free Germany committees', but he could do little as the KPD central apparatus had no communication link with the rank and file. Once communications were restored he could report: 'We have shut these [Antifas] down and told the comrades that all activities must be channelled through the state apparatus.'"

"The authorities in the German Democratic Republic kept an even more rigid control over their people than was achieved by Hoxha in Albania, whose mountainous terrain and village traditions made things difficult for the central state authorities. Walter Ulbricht aimed to turn his state into a model of contemporary communism. It was his constant pestering that pushed the Soviet Presidium into sanctioning the building of the Berlin Wall. Competition was joined with West Germany to raise the quality of material and social life, and Ulbricht constantly claimed that the German Democratic Republic was winning. In 1963 he introduced a New Economic System which provided enterprises and their managers with somewhat wider powers outside central planning control. Output rose but never as quickly as in West Germany. Although people were better off than previously, Ulbricht’s unpopularity deepened. His ideological rigidity made even Brezhnev appear flexible. No one could forget that he bore responsibility for stopping people from meeting their relatives in the West. He was fired in May 1971, utterly convinced of the correctness of his policies to the very end. His successor Erich Honecker was only marginally less gloomy. Political presentation was made somewhat livelier but the basic policies remained the same. Far from being a workers’ paradise, the German Democratic Republic was eastern Europe’s most efficient police state."