Helmut Kohl

"Wir werden die Arbeitslosigkeit und die Zahl der in Deutschland lebenden Ausländer um die Hälfte reduzieren."

"Ich rede vor Ihnen als einer, der in der Nazizeit nicht in Schuld geraten konnte, weil er die Gnade der späten Geburt und das Glück eines besonderen Elternhauses gehabt hat."

"Entscheidend ist, was hinten rauskommt."

"Die neue Armut ist eine Erfindung des sozialistischen Jet-sets."

"Durch eine gemeinsame Anstrengung wird es uns gelingen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Sachsen-Anhalt, Brandenburg, Sachsen und Thüringen schon bald wieder in blühende Landschaften zu verwandeln, in denen es sich zu leben und zu arbeiten lohnt."

"Das ist eine klassische journalistische Behauptung. Sie ist zwar richtig, aber sie ist nicht die Wahrheit."

"Wir gehen nach Berlin – aber nicht in eine neue Republik"

"Es gibt [...] in der eigenen Fraktion eine Reihe von Leuten, die sich mit mir schwer tut. Manche meinen, der alte Elefant sei angeschlagen, und jetzt gibt man ihm einen Tritt."

"Das ist ein moderner kommunistischer Führer, der war nie in Kalifornien, nie in Hollywood, aber der versteht etwas von PR. Der Goebbels verstand auch etwas von PR. Man muss doch die Dinge auf den Punkt bringen!"

"Wer die Vergangenheit nicht kennt, kann die Gegenwart nicht verstehen und die Zukunft nicht gestalten."

"Es war das »System Kohl«, zu dessen Kritikern er heute zählt, das ihn schon Mitte der sechziger Jahre für die rheinland-pfälzische CDU gewinnen konnte."

"Ich würde nicht sagen, dass ich alles wieder so mache, wie ich es gemacht habe, denn dieser Weg ist von Höhen und Tiefen geprägt, aber auch von Fehlern."

"Den Staatsmann Kohl wird man nicht mehr von der Landkarte tilgen können. Glückwunsch, Kanzler!"

"Dieser Mann hat auf geradezu lachhafte Art absolut keinen Funken Humor."

"Im Rückblick hatte der 1982 zum Bundeskanzler gewählte Helmut Kohl mit seinem Aussitzen für den Frieden mehr Erfolg als die Sitzblockierer. Der Kanzler hat nur abgewartet, bis das »Reich des Bösen« mit einem Winseln zusammenbrach, weil es unter anderem das Wettrüsten nicht mehr durchstand."

"Herr Kohl [...] wird es mir nicht übel nehmen, wenn ich nach seiner Rede insgesamt und seiner Polemik an unsere Adresse nicht unlustig war, einmal an eine abendliche Lesefrucht aus einem Kochbuch des Jahres 1641 zu denken, wo ich gelesen habe: "Kohl erzeugt Blähungen und treibt schwarze Dämpfe ins Gehirn.""

"Wenn ich die gleiche Entrüstung erlebt hätte, als Helmut Kohl seine Deals mit Leo Kirch gemacht hat, würde ich ihre Empörung über Gerhard Schröders Übereinkunft mit Gasprom herzlich gern teilen. So aber halte ich das für eine etwas künstliche Aufregung."

"Zielstrebig und machtbewusst. Die hat von Kohl über Schäuble bis Merz immerhin die halbe CDU-Führungsriege hingemeuchelt. So eine brauchen wir!"

"Die jungen Leute in Deutschland haben kein Problem mit dem Judentum. Ich gehe ja auch manchmal mit meinen beiden Jungs über den jüdischen Friedhof in Oggersheim."

"As long as there is a wall, barbed wire and orders to shoot, there can be no talk of normality in Germany."

"The Berlin Wall is perhaps the most visible expression of the moral gulf between free democracy and totalitarian dictatorship."

"Erträge und Kosten müssen im richtigen Verhältnis zueinander stehen."

"Von deutschem Boden muss in Zukunft immer Frieden ausgehen."

"I am not the one trying to speed things up. We are being driven."

"Eine erfolgreiche Industrienation, das heißt eine Nation mit Zukunft, lässt sich nicht als kollektiver Freizeitpark organisieren."

"Die Existenzgrundlage unseres Landes geht kaputt, wenn erst die Schleusen für die Ausländer geöffnet sind."

"Die Visionäre von gestern sind die Realisten von heute."

"Die deutsche Einheit und die europäische Einigung sind zwei Seiten ein und derselben Medaille."

"Das ist der schlimmste Präsident seit Hermann Göring."

"I knew that I could never win a referendum in Germany. We would have lost a referendum on the introduction of the Euro. That's quite clear. I would have lost and by seven to three…. If a Chancellor is trying to push something through, he must be a man of power. And if he's smart, he knows when the time is ripe. In one case – the Euro – I was like a dictator ... The Euro is a synonym for Europe. Europe, for the first time, has no more war."

"We Germans have learned from history. We are a peace-loving, freedom-loving people. For us, love of our native country, love of freedom, and the spirit of being a good neighbor always belong together."

"Once democratised, Communism had become redundant, and the same process affected the very state of East Germany. Currency union with West Germany took effect on 1 July, East Germany came to an end as a separate state on 3 October, and all-German elections followed on 2 December 1990. Thatcher was unhappy about German re-unification, while President Mitterrand of France wanted two democratic Germanys and not the speedy creation of an over mighty Germany. However, in response to the victory of the pro-unification parties in the East German election in March 1990, he proved more accommodating, not least because of a promise from Helmut Kohl, the German Chancellor, that French companies would be allowed to acquire East German state-owned companies in the rapid privatisation that was pushed through. Kohl traded subsequently on his role in securing unification, and this helped him win re-election, as Chancellor of the united Germany, in 1994."

"But German reunification was, nonetheless, an unsettling prospect, not just for the Soviet Union but for all Europeans who remembered the record of the last unified German state. This anxiety transcended Cold War divisions: Gorbachev shared it with Jaruzelski, French President François Mitterrand, and even Margaret Thatcher, who warned Bush that "[i]f we are not careful, the Germans will get in peace what Hitler couldn't get in the war." The one prominent European who disagreed was West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who surprised everyone by coming out in favor of reunification a few days before the Malta summit. Bush thought he had done so because "he wanted to be sure that Gorbachev and I did not come to our own agreement on Germany's future, as had Stalin and Roosevelt in the closing months of World War II." Kohl, then, was leading, but only barely because the East Germans themselves—having broken through the wall—quickly made it clear that they would accept nothing less than reunification. Hans Modrow, who had replaced Krenz as prime minister, informed Gorbachev at the end of January, 1990, that "[t]he majority of the people in the German Democratic Republic no longer support the idea of two German states." The government and party itself, K.G.B. chief Vladimir Kryuchkov confirmed, were falling apart. Confronted with this information, Gorbachev saw no choice: "German reunification should be regarded as inevitable.""

"It's been quite a journey this decade, and we held together through some stormy seas. And at the end, together, we are reaching our destination. The fact is, from Grenada to the Washington and Moscow summits, from the recession of '81 to '82, to the expansion that began in late '82 and continues to this day, we've made a difference. The way I see it, there were two great triumphs, two things that I'm proudest of. One is the economic recovery, in which the people of America created—and filled—19 million new jobs. The other is the recovery of our morale. America is respected again in the world and looked to for leadership. Something that happened to me a few years ago reflects some of this. It was back in 1981, and I was attending my first big economic summit, which was held that year in Canada. The meeting place rotates among the member countries. The opening meeting was a formal dinner of the heads of government of the seven industrialized nations. Now, I sat there like the new kid in school and listened, and it was all Francois this and Helmut that. They dropped titles and spoke to one another on a first-name basis. Well, at one point I sort of leaned in and said, "My name's Ron." Well, in that same year, we began the actions we felt would ignite an economic comeback—cut taxes and regulation, started to cut spending. And soon the recovery began. Two years later, another economic summit with pretty much the same cast. At the big opening meeting we all got together, and all of a sudden, just for a moment, I saw that everyone was just sitting there looking at me. And then one of them broke the silence. "Tell us about the American miracle," he said."

"Of course, peace might have come to Europe without the Union. Maybe. We will never know. But it would never have been of the same quality. A lasting peace, not a frosty cease-fire. To me, what makes it so special, is reconciliation. In politics as in life, reconciliation is the most difficult thing. It goes beyond forgiving and forgetting, or simply turning the page. To think of what France and Germany had gone through …, and then take this step … Signing a Treaty of Friendship … Each time I hear these words – Freundschaft, Amitié –, I am moved. They are private words, not for treaties between nations. But the will to not let history repeat itself, to do something radically new, was so strong that new words had to be found. For people Europe was a promise, Europe equalled hope. When Konrad Adenauer came to Paris to conclude the Coal and Steel Treaty, in 1951, one evening he found a gift waiting at his hotel. It was a war medal, une Croix de Guerre, that had belonged to a French soldier. His daughter, a young student, had left it with a little note for the Chancellor, as a gesture of reconciliation and hope. I can see many other stirring images before me. Leaders of six States assembled to open a new future, in Rome, città eterna … Willy Brandt kneeling down in Warsaw. The dockers of Gdansk, at the gates of their shipyard. Mitterrand and Kohl hand in hand. Two million people linking Tallinn to Riga to Vilnius in a human chain, in 1989. These moments healed Europe."